Dirk-Bart den Ouden

Argument structure effects in action verb naming in static and dynamic conditions

Argument structure, as in the participant roles entailed within the lexical representation of verbs, affects verb processing. Recent neuroimaging studies show that when verbs are heard or read, the posterior temporoparietal region shows increased activation for verbs with greater versus lesser argument structure complexity, usually bilaterally. In addition, patients with agrammatic aphasia show verb production deficits, graded based on argument structure complexity. In the present study, we used fMRI to examine the neural correlates of verb production in overt action naming conditions. In addition, we tested the differential effects of naming when verbs were presented dynamically in video segments versus statically in line drawings. Results showed increased neuronal activity associated with production of transitive as compared to intransitive verbs not only in posterior regions, but also in left inferior frontal cortex. We also found significantly greater activation for transitive versus intransitive action naming for videos compared to pictures in the right inferior and superior parietal cortices, areas associated with object manipulation. These findings indicate that verbs with greater argument structure density engender graded activation of both anterior and posterior portions of the language network and support verb naming deficit patterns reported in lesion studies. In addition, the similar findings derived under video and static picture naming conditions provide validity for using videos in neuroimaging studies, which are more naturalistic and perhaps ecologically valid than using static pictures to investigate action naming.

Neural plasticity and treatment-induced recovery of sentence processing in agrammatism.

This study examined patterns of neural activation associated with treatment-induced improvement of complex sentence production (and comprehension) in six individuals with stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia, taking into account possible alterations in blood flow often associated with stroke, including delayed time-to-peak of the hemodynamic response function (HRF) and hypoperfused tissue. Aphasic participants performed an auditory verification fMRI task, processing object cleft, subject cleft, and simple active sentences, prior to and following a course of Treatment of Underlying Forms (TUF; Thompson et al., 2003), a linguistically based approach for treating aphasic sentence deficits, which targeted object relative clause constructions. The patients also were scanned in a long-trials task to examine HRFs, to account for any local deviations resulting from stroke, and perfusion images were obtained to evaluate regions of hypoperfused tissue. Region-of-interest (ROI) analyses were conducted (bilaterally), modeling participant-specific local HRFs in left hemisphere areas activated by 12 healthy age-matched volunteers performing the same task, including the middle and inferior frontal gyri, precentral gyrus, middle and superior temporal gyri, and insula, and additional regions associated with complex syntactic processing, including the posterior perisylvian and superior parietal cortices. Results showed that, despite individual variation in activation differences from pre- to post-treatment scans in the aphasic participants, main-effects analyses revealed a general shift from left superior temporal activation to more posterior temporoparietal areas, bilaterally. Time-to-peak of these responses correlated negatively with blood flow, as measured with perfusion imaging.

Damage to Left Anterior Temporal Cortex Predicts Impairment of Complex Syntactic Processing: A Lesion-Symptom Mapping Study

Sentence processing problems form a common consequence of left‐hemisphere brain injury, in some patients to such an extent that their pattern of language performance is characterized as “agrammatic”. However, the location of left‐hemisphere damage that causes such problems remains controversial. It has been suggested that the critical site for syntactic processing is Brocas area of the frontal cortex or, alternatively, that a more widely distributed network is responsible for syntactic processing. The aim of this study was to identify brain regions that are required for successful sentence processing. Voxel‐based lesion‐symptom mapping (VLSM) was used to identify brain regions where injury predicted impaired sentence processing in 50 native speakers of Icelandic with left‐hemisphere stroke. Sentence processing was assessed by having individuals identify which picture corresponded to a verbally presented sentence. The VLSM analysis revealed that impaired sentence processing was best predicted by damage to a large left‐hemisphere temporo‐parieto‐occipital area. This is likely due to the multimodal nature of the sentence processing task, which involves auditory and visual analysis, as well as lexical and syntactic processing. Specifically impaired processing of noncanonical sentence types, when compared with canonical sentence processing, was associated with damage to the left‐hemisphere anterior superior and middle temporal gyri and the temporal pole. Anterior temporal cortex, therefore, appears to play a crucial role in syntactic processing, and patients with brain damage to this area are more likely to present with receptive agrammatism than patients in which anterior temporal cortex is spared. Hum Brain Mapp 34:2715–2723, 2013.

Network modulation during complex syntactic processing

Complex sentence processing is supported by a left-lateralized neural network including inferior frontal cortex and posterior superior temporal cortex. This study investigates the pattern of connectivity and information flow within this network. We used fMRI BOLD data derived from 12 healthy participants reported in an earlier study (Thompson, C. K., Den Ouden, D. B., Bonakdarpour, B., Garibaldi, K., & Parrish, T. B. (2010b). Neural plasticity and treatment-induced recovery of sentence processing in agrammatism. Neuropsychologia, 48(11), 3211-3227) to identify activation peaks associated with object-cleft over syntactically less complex subject-cleft processing. Directed Partial Correlation Analysis was conducted on time series extracted from participant-specific activation peaks and showed evidence of functional connectivity between four regions, linearly between premotor cortex, inferior frontal gyrus, posterior superior temporal sulcus and anterior middle temporal gyrus. This pattern served as the basis for Dynamic Causal Modeling of networks with a driving input to posterior superior temporal cortex, which likely supports thematic role assignment, and networks with a driving input to inferior frontal cortex, a core region associated with syntactic computation. The optimal model was determined through both frequentist and Bayesian Model Selection and turned out to reflect a network with a primary drive from inferior frontal cortex and modulation of the connection between inferior frontal cortex and posterior superior temporal cortex by complex sentence processing. The winning model also showed a substantive role for a feedback mechanism from posterior superior temporal cortex back to inferior frontal cortex. We suggest that complex syntactic processing is driven by word-order analysis, supported by inferior frontal cortex, in an interactive relation with posterior superior temporal cortex, which supports verb argument structure processing.

Training verb argument structure production in agrammatic aphasia: Behavioral and neural recovery patterns

INTRODUCTION Neuroimaging and lesion studies indicate a left hemisphere network for verb and verb argument structure processing, involving both frontal and temporoparietal brain regions. Although their verb comprehension is generally unimpaired, it is well known that individuals with agrammatic aphasia often present with verb production deficits, characterized by an argument structure complexity hierarchy, indicating faulty access to argument structure representations for production and integration into syntactic contexts. Recovery of verb processing in agrammatism, however, has received little attention and no studies have examined the neural mechanisms associated with improved verb and argument structure processing. In the present study we trained agrammatic individuals on verbs with complex argument structure in sentence contexts and examined generalization to verbs with less complex argument structure. The neural substrates of improved verb production were examined using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). METHODS Eight individuals with chronic agrammatic aphasia participated in the study (four experimental and four control participants). Production of three-argument verbs in active sentences was trained using a sentence generation task emphasizing the verbs argument structure and the thematic roles of sentential noun phrases. Before and after training, production of trained and untrained verbs was tested in naming and sentence production and fMRI scans were obtained, using an action naming task. RESULTS Significant pre- to post-training improvement in trained and untrained (one- and two-argument) verbs was found for treated, but not control, participants, with between-group differences found for verb naming, production of verbs in sentences, and production of argument structure. fMRI activation derived from post-treatment compared to pre-treatment scans revealed upregulation in cortical regions implicated for verb and argument structure processing in healthy controls. CONCLUSIONS Training verb deficits emphasizing argument structure and thematic role mapping is effective for improving verb and sentence production and results in recruitment of neural networks engaged for verb and argument structure processing in healthy individuals.

The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing ''alternating transitivity'' verbs

This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). We compared brain activation in response to “alternating transitivity” verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates—one transitive and one intransitive—and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (Brodmann areas (BAs) 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal, and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because “alternating transitivity” verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.

Revealing the dual streams of speech processing

Significance Relatively recently, the concept of dual route neural architecture, where dorsal and ventral brain regions process information synergistically, has been applied to study of speech processing. Although a large body of work has investigated these streams in relation to human speech processing, there is little consensus regarding specific cortical regions implicated. Relying on extensive behavioral and neuroimaging data from a large sample of stroke survivors, we used a data-driven approach to localize regions crucial for motor–phonological and lexical–semantic aspects of speech processing. Results revealed distinct anatomical boundaries between a dorsal frontoparietal stream supporting a form-to-articulation pathway and a ventral temporal–frontal stream supporting a form-to-meaning pathway. This study shows clear division between two processing routes underlying human speech. Several dual route models of human speech processing have been proposed suggesting a large-scale anatomical division between cortical regions that support motor–phonological aspects vs. lexical–semantic aspects of speech processing. However, to date, there is no complete agreement on what areas subserve each route or the nature of interactions across these routes that enables human speech processing. Relying on an extensive behavioral and neuroimaging assessment of a large sample of stroke survivors, we used a data-driven approach using principal components analysis of lesion-symptom mapping to identify brain regions crucial for performance on clusters of behavioral tasks without a priori separation into task types. Distinct anatomical boundaries were revealed between a dorsal frontoparietal stream and a ventral temporal–frontal stream associated with separate components. Collapsing over the tasks primarily supported by these streams, we characterize the dorsal stream as a form-to-articulation pathway and the ventral stream as a form-to-meaning pathway. This characterization of the division in the data reflects both the overlap between tasks supported by the two streams as well as the observation that there is a bias for phonological production tasks supported by the dorsal stream and lexical–semantic comprehension tasks supported by the ventral stream. As such, our findings show a division between two processing routes that underlie human speech processing and provide an empirical foundation for studying potential computational differences that distinguish between the two routes.

Validating a Sham Condition for Use in High Definition Transcranial Direct Current Stimulation

High Definition Transcranial Direct Current Stimulation (HD-tDCS) offers improved focality for targeting specific brain areas to modulate neural excitability, compared to conventional tDCS. HD-tDCS is associated with increased scalp sensation during stimulation, potentially rendering conventional tDCS sham methods ineffective due to lack of blinding. Here we report validation data on a novel method for modeling the sham condition in HD-tDCS studies. Thirty-one participants completed sensation ratings during 20 min of continuous active versus sham stimulation. Over half of the participants reported feeling the stimulation for the duration of the experiment. There were no statistically significant differences in sensation ratings between sham and active stimulation. Further, participants were unable to guess above chance level when they received sham stimulation.

Neural correlates of Dutch Verb Second in speech production.

Dutch speakers with agrammatic Brocas aphasia are known to have problems with the production of finite verbs in main clauses. This performance pattern has been accounted for in terms of the specific syntactic complexity of the Dutch main clause structure, which requires an extra syntactic operation (Verb Second), relative to the basic Subject-Object-Verb order surfacing in Dutch subordinate clauses. We report an fMRI study into the question whether this syntactic complexity is reflected in increased brain activation correlated with the production of Dutch main clause word order, in speakers without language impairment. Nineteen healthy subjects performed a covert sentence completion task, during which main and subordinate clauses were alternately elicited in a block design. Results show a left middle to superior frontal cluster of activation correlated to production of Verb-Second over Verb-Final clauses, with no activation in the opposite contrast. This activation pattern is counter to what might be expected from the frequency distribution of main and subordinate clauses. We conclude that the Verb-Second deviation from the basic Dutch SOV word order costs extra neural resources and that this also underlies the agrammatic problems with the production of finite verbs in Dutch main clauses.

What is it that lingers? Garden-path (mis)interpretations in younger and older adults

Previous research has shown that comprehenders do not always conduct a full (re)analysis of temporarily ambiguous “garden-path” sentences. The present study used a sentence–picture matching task to investigate what kind of representations are formed when full reanalysis is not performed: Do comprehenders “blend” two incompatible representations as a result of shallow syntactic processing or do they erroneously maintain the initial incorrect parsing without incorporating new information, and does this vary with age? Twenty-five younger and 15 older adults performed a multiple-choice sentence–picture matching task with stimuli including early-closure garden-path sentences. The results suggest that the type of erroneous representation is affected by linguistic variables, such as sentence structure, verb type, and semantic plausibility, as well as by age. Older adults’ response patterns indicate an increased reliance on inferencing based on lexical and semantic cues, with a lower bar for accepting an initial parse and with a weaker drive to reanalyse a syntactic representation. Among younger adults, there was a tendency to blend two representations into a single interpretation, even if this was not licensed by the syntax.