Dirk Tomsa

Indonesian Politics in 2010: The Perils of Stagnation

Abstract In the first year after President Yudhoyonos re-election, Indonesian politics continued to evolve in largely familiar patterns. Contrary to the expectations of some observers, Yudhoyonos strong popular mandate and his Democratic Partys newly won parliamentary plurality did not result in significant changes to the presidents cautious style of governing or the fickle nature of president–parliament relations. Most political parties also opted for continuity over change, electing or re-electing established figures as leaders despite high levels of public dissatisfaction with their performance. The fact that the 2009 election failed to generate any new momentum for reform does not augur well for the remainder of Yudhoyonos second term. Although the basic parameters of Indonesias democracy remain intact, political developments during 2010 have also confirmed a pattern of stagnation that is likely to see Indonesia barely muddle through as a reasonably stable yet low-quality democracy.

Moderating Islamism in Indonesia Tracing Patterns of Party Change in the Prosperous Justice Party

This article analyzes why, how and to what extent Indonesia’s once staunchly Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera; PKS) has become more moderate through its participation in democratic procedures. It also examines how this moderation process has affected the party’s electoral performance and the overall quality of democracy in Indonesia. It is argued that PKS has indeed become more moderate and that this moderation has, after initial electoral success, now posed some serious challenges to the party’s organizational coherence. The article concludes by highlighting that moderation is a process that is neither linear nor unreservedly positive for democratization.

Electoral democracy in a divided society: The 2008 gubernatorial election in Maluku, Indonesia

This article analyses the 2008 gubernatorial election in Indonesias Maluku province and puts its result – a resounding victory for incumbent governor Karel Ralahalu – into the broader context of the discourse on democracy in divided societies. Through a detailed analysis of Ralahalus electoral strategy, the article illustrates how the incumbent used a combination of populism and comprehensive networking with key organizational stakeholders to secure an easy victory. The author also highlights the peaceful conduct of the election and the overall significance of the fact that key political, religious and ethno-regional actors seem to have accepted that democratic elections are now the only legitimate means to distribute formal political power. In short, it is argued that democracy can indeed work in divided societies, especially if it is based on institutional arrangements that promote cross-communal communication and cooperation.

The Yudhoyono Presidency: Indonesia's Decade of Stability and Stagnation

The presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-14) was a watershed in Indonesias modern democratic history. Yudhoyono was not only the first Indonesian president to be directly elected, but also the first to be democratically re-elected. Coming to office after years of turbulent transition, he presided over a decade of remarkable political stability and steady economic growth. But other aspects of his rule have been the subject of controversy. While supporters view his presidency as a period of democratic consolidation and success, critics view it as a decade of stagnation and missed opportunities. This book is the first comprehensive attempt to evaluate both the achievements and the shortcomings of the Yudhoyono presidency. With contributions from leading experts on Indonesias politics, economy and society, it assesses the Yudhoyono record in fields ranging from economic development and human rights, to foreign policy, the environment and the security sector.

Local Politics and Corruption in Indonesia’s Outer Islands

Prosecution of local corruption cases in Indonesia often occurs in a seemingly arbitrary manner. This article analyses some of the patterns behind this seeming arbitrariness. It will be argued that local corruption cases often follow similar patterns whereby prosecution is not a result of the work of anti-corruption activists, but rather the consequence of intra-elite rivalries. Thus, the growing number of cases being exposed is not a sign of societal accountability, but should rather be seen as a reflection of the competitiveness of local politics and the need for local elites to continuously find new strategies to weaken local rivals.

Still the Natural Government Party? Challenges and Opportunities for Golkar Ahead of the 2014 Election:

After decades of hegemonic rule during the New Order, the Golkar Party entered the post-Suharto era with the self-perception of being a natural part of the government. Two relatively successful elections in 1999 and 2004 reinforced this perception among the party faithful, but the disappointing results of the 2009 election have demonstrated that Golkar now faces serious challenges if it wants to retain its strong position in the Indonesian party system. This article assesses some of these challenges against the background of ongoing institutional reform in Indonesia, contentious personal ambitions of key political actors and wide-ranging socio-political transformations in the Indonesian electorate. Particular attention is paid to Golkars linkages with society, its organizational development and its functions within the broader political system. It is argued that Golkars main challenges lie in its difficulties in attracting new members and supporters, its eroding institutional infrastructure and its limited capacity to articulate societal interests and fulfil other basic democratic functions. However, the article concludes by emphasizing that Golkar has a genuine chance of regaining some of the ground lost in recent years if it tackles at least some of the challenges outlined.

Regime resilience and presidential politics in Indonesia

ABSTRACT This article builds on insights from the coalitional presidentialism literature and a more ideational regime-based approach to examine the reasons behind Indonesias ongoing democratic stagnation. It argues that this stagnation is not, as institutionalists might posit, an ultimately inevitable result of the institutional setup of multiparty presidentialism. Nor is it merely a manifestation of unchallenged oligarchic domination or the cartelization of party politics as other influential approaches to Indonesian politics have argued. Instead, this article argues that presidential politics in Indonesia is above all a reflection of a complex regime configuration in which presidents need to navigate between popular demands from the electorate, the interests of powerful veto actors who use democratic procedures only as an instrument to defend their predominantly material interests, and a constantly evolving but still inefficient set of political institutions that has largely failed to ensure accountability and transparency.

Regional party networks and the limits of democratic norm diffusion in Southeast Asia

Regional party networks are an important instrument for democracy promotion organizations intent on helping build democratic party structures. The main goals of these networks are usually capacity-building and the provision of communication channels, but the affiliation with international donors also turns these networks into contested forums for the diffusion of global norms and values. This article will illustrate that these norm diffusion processes are subject to significant constraints as transnational party networks are shaped by the pre-existing norms and electoral self-interests of their constituent members. The article uses a case study of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats to argue that the diffusion of Western democratic norms through regional party networks is a multidimensional process that can be successful in building small fraternities of committed norm recipients, but faces severe limitations when it comes to transmitting these norms further on into local party organizations.