Don C. Charles

Egocentrism and social interaction in young and old adults

A central concept in cognitive developmental psychology is that of egocentrism. This term does not refer to preoccupation with the self, in the pejorative sense, but rather it implies that egocentric behavior stems from a limited awareness of the “self.” The essential meaning of egocentrism is an embeddedness in one’s own point of view, or an inability to “decenter” to other perspectives. Piaget (1950; Inhelder and Piaget 1958) has placed the egocentrism concept in a central role in his theory of intellectual development. This development is said to consist of the passage from an initial state of total egocentrism to a final state of total objectivity. As the individual matures, he becomes more and more capable of discriminating subject from object in subject-object interactions. The question of ultimate concern to the present research asks whether egocentrism is a useful construct in describing and explaining the behavior of adults beyond the flush of childhood and youth. Piagetian theory posits that egocentrism eventually diminishes sometime after the acquisition of formal operational thought; however, it is acknowledged that some forms of egocentric thought manifest themselves temporarily in adolescence (cf. Elkind 1967). Little theoretical attention has been accorded to changes after youth, even though there is a sizable literature documenting significant cognitive and interest changes later in life. Whde no coherent theory has been advanced to handle such data, some years ago Dennis (1948) hypothesized the “regression” to child-like concepts with advancing age. There has been very little research using Piagetian tasks with adults and older persons. This undoubtedly is due, at least in part, to the prevailing notion that the kinds of mental processes with which Piaget is most concerned are invariant and irreversible. Other than the work of Dennis mentioned before, just a few reports of Piagetian adult research can be found in the literature. Piaget and Inhelder (1962) made brief mention of a Genevan study which demonstrated that various conservation abilities disintegrate in “seniles” in reverse order of their appearance in childhood. Another study has reported striking decrement in performance on a surface conservation task in an aged group (Sanders, Laurendeau, and Bergeron 1966). It would not be unreasonable to assume that the observed poorer performance of older persons might be related, at least in part, to the tendency for reduction of social interaction with

The Emergence of Educational Psychology

To the scholar or practitioner in any mature discipline, it seems normal and inevitable that the discipline should exist in its current form. But disciplines, like persons, have their own individual histories, and current status reflects accumulated experience for both categories. Psychology and education have origins lost in the mists of history; education in some form is as old as civilization, and Brett’s massive three-volume History of Psychology (1912–1921) barely mentions the 20th century. It is the purpose of this chapter to describe some of the social and academic circumstances of psychology and education that led to the emergence of a new discipline, educational psychology.

LITERARY OLD AGE: A BROWSE THROUGH HISTORY

It is generally agreed that old people are not widely admired in our society. This lack of honor undoubtedly has many sources; one source may be attitudes derived from literature assigned in school or selected independently. In this study traditional literature was reviewed for clues to the status of old people at various historical times. Literature included the Bible, some classics, 19th and 20th century plays, poems and novels, and light 20th century fiction. Through time, serious literature appears to have reflected and reinforced values extant in society. Old characters are sparsely represented in all historical periods and women are almost nonexistent. Contrary to popular beliefs about treatment of the aged, 19th and 20th century treatment is kinder than earlier periods. Pedagogical and personal implications of these findings are suggested for educators concerned with older adults.

A historical overview of educational psychology

Abstract A historical review of educational psychology might improve understanding of current status and problems. Before American development of the field, the Greeks, Juan Vives in the 16th century, and Pestalozzi and Herbart in the 19th century applied psychological views to educational problems. Despite the absence of scientific psychology in 19th century America, normal schools offered courses purporting to be psychological in content; these courses were supported by textbooks on the subject. James began, and Thorndike developed, the discipline that by the mid-1920s had assumed much of its current form. Journals and academic departments appeared in the first quarter of the century also. The continuing search through the middle of the century for a satisfying professional organization reflected educational psychologys difficulties in establishing an identity. It is not clear even today that the field has “crystallized,” as one writer described it in the 1920s.

Educational Psychology and the Adult Learner.

The middle years of life, from the 20s through the 50s, have been neglected by psychology in general and educational psychology in particular. The current increase in numbers of mature learners calls for more, better, and better-understood psychological data so that learning can be enhanced in this age group. This issue of Contemporary Educational Psychology addresses five relevant questions: (1) What does research tell us about the capacities of adults to learn and retain? (2) What factors other than cognitive functioning affect adult performance? (3) How and in what ways does the adult wish to involve himself as a learner? (4) How might we go about guiding the mature learner, using present knowledge? (5) What theoretical concerns arise from consideration of the foregoing?

The Old Age of Some Eminent Psychologists

The late years of some eminent psychologists were examined to secure evidence on their general activities, and their professional competence and productivity. Of greatest note was their devotion to work: after age 70 nearly 90% continued a high level of scientific and professional productivity and involvement, while some developed new careers. The content of late production was generally based on earlier specialty. For many, work seemed the purpose of life, and its own reward.