Don William Cruickshank

Calderón's Amor, honor y poder and the Prince of Wales, 1623

On Thursday 29 June 1623, in Madrid’s old royal palace, the company of Juan Acacio Bernal performed Calderón’s play Amor, honor y poder.1 This has been taken as the first reliable documentary evidence relating to any Calderón play.2 Given that this is so, the context of the play deserves a little attention. Amor, honor y poder deals with Eduardo, rey de Inglaterra (Edward III) and his passion for Estela, daughter of el conde de Salveric (the Earl of Salisbury). The story has a long pedigree, although it is hard to be sure of the extent of its basis in fact. Apart from La cisma de Inglaterra (another early play), Amor, honor y poder is the only Calderón play with a setting in England. Given that Charles Stuart, Prince of Wales, had arrived in Madrid on 17 March 1623 (NS), remaining there until 9 September, it would be a coincidence, to say the least, if the plot and the setting had absolutely no connection with his visit. And while there is no proof that Charles was present at the performance, it is very likely, given the other court entertainments organized for his benefit, that he was. Andrés de Almansa y Mendoza, a proto-journalist active in the 1620s, records several of these; some of his accounts were sent back to London for translation, e.g., Two Royall Entertainments, Lately Given to Charles, Prince of Great Britaine, by Philip the Fourth (London: H. Haviland for N. Butter, 1623). The entertainments included banquets, masques, a bullfight and the performance, ‘a las puertas de Palacio’, of the 1623 autos,3 and plays.

‘Reducir a estilo noble y cortés el hurtar’: Calderón's Luis Pérez el gallego

Real-life bandits often became literary characters (Antonio Roca, Serrallonga, Roque Guinart, San Pedro Armengol, San Franco de Sena), but there is no evidence that Calderon based Luis Perez el gal...

Two Alleged Calderón-Moreto Collaborations

Abstract Both Calderón and Moreto were involved in collaboration plays: the former in about fourteen, the latter perhaps in twenty. Uncertain attribution of such plays has been a problem for both writers, but particularly for Moreto. This article examines two plays, La adúltera penitente and La fingida Arcadia. The first has been attributed to Cáncer, Moreto and Matos, and, more recently, to Calderón, Moreto and Matos. The second has been attributed to Moreto alone, to Antonio Coello alone, and to Moreto, Fulano and Calderón; one scholar has said that Act I, not Act III, is Calderóns. Evidence from Act I of La adúltera indicates that Calderón did not write it, although Matos, the supposed author of Act III, may have done. As for La fingida Arcadia, the suelta with the attribution to Coello is shown to be much earlier than was supposed; there is strong evidence that Calderón was involved in Acts I and III, and that he did not write Act II, which needs further investigation.

Introduction Ann L. Mackenzie, Scholar and Editor

A long Scottish tradition (only recently eroded) prescribed that promising secondary-school pupils should attend the nearest university. At the end of the 1950s Scottish students had four ancient universities to choose from, but for someone born and living in Greenock, and a pupil at Greenock Academy, the place to go was Glasgow University, founded in 1451 and only thirty miles away: close enough to continue living at home. In those days, an Honours MA in Scotland was a four-year course; for a modern linguist, the course was five years, because the Scottish Education Department insisted on a year spent abroad (and checked stamps on passports if suspicions were aroused). Since specialization in a single foreign language was not an option, this meant completing a Double Honours degree, with an academic year spent in the country of one language and a term spent in the country of another. Having shown her interests and abilities in these languages at Greenock Academy (where she was awarded the German Prize and the Rankin Prize for Spanish) Ann chose to do Honours in Spanish (i.e., Hispanic Studies) and German. Thanks to a highly esteemed award from the Stevenson Exchange Scholarships Executive Committee, Ann spent her academic year abroad in Germany, as a Stevenson Exchange Scholar at the University of Freiburg; and the following year, supported by the Giralt Travel Scholarship she had won, during her required term in Spain she studied in Madrid, at what is now called the Universidad Complutense. In the 1960s,WilliamC.Atkinsonwas still StevensonProfessor ofHispanic Studies at Glasgow University (1932–1972), having succeeded William J. Entwistle. Long before Ann’s arrival, Atkinson had introduced LatinAmerican History, Thought and Literature into the curriculum, not to mention his successful introduction of Portuguese Studies (for which he was

All done with mirrors: calderonian experiments in staging

When A. A. Parker tackled the problem of the chronology of Calderón’s autos, he discovered that various details concerning staging provided sources of information. One of these was the change in 1647 from two carts to four; another was the writer’s own memorias de apariencias, which sometimes described in detail how the carts were to be constructed in order to achieve the desired dramatic effects. It is clear from these memorias and from other sources such as Calderón’s response to the proposals of the designer Cosme Lotti for the staging of El mayor encanto amor, or from some long stage directions, that Calderón got very involved in the technical problems created in the performance of his works. Using Parker’s research as a precedent, this paper attempts to create a chronology, and sources of influence, for Calderón’s treatment of one problem in particular, the problem of the ‘vision’ or the supernatural image which is as visible to his audience as it is to his normal characters. We need to distinguish between static and moving when we consider the nature of the image within the play presented to the audience. Calderón used both, although he did not keep them entirely separate, as we shall see: he was capable of using the one to suggest the other. While there has been some study of the relationship between the visual arts and his plays and autos, the main topic of this investigation is his manner of dealing with moving images.

Towards an atlas of italic types used in Spain, 1528–1700

Thanks to such influential bibliographers as Konrad Haebler, it used to be assumed that, in the fifteenth century, every printer produced his own type. Each typeface was thus peculiar to one printer, and imprintless works could be assigned with confidence to the firms which had printed them. Books produced later, in the era of specialist typefounders, could be assumed to be excluded from this solution to the problem of missing or misleading imprints. Neither assumption is accurate. We now know that the trade in matrices was leading to the growth of specialist typefoundries by around 1480. This growth allowed printers to have access to a variety of designs in a variety of sizes. However, a combination of standard designs was still unique to one printer, when modification, wear, and damage were taken into account. Punches, matrices, and cast type became objects of international as well as internal trade early in the sixteenth century, and Spain, where the industrial base never kept pace with the growth in political power, soon became a major importer of typographical material. Much of this material originated in the Low Countries, France, and Italy, but some was first produced in Germany and what is today Switzerland. What has not been widely investigated is the pattern of distribution of the different designs in Spain, an investigation which would be an important initial source of information to bibliographers. Geography was an obvious factor in deciding which printer ended up with which fount, although investigators soon realize that other, more obscure factors were at work. On the assumption that geography is a useful start, however, this paper tries to take the first step towards establishing a ‘typographical atlas’ of Golden-Age Spain. Even if gothic faces are omitted from this atlas (on the possibly dubious grounds that the geographical distribution of the earlier ones has been studied), the problem is a large one. The existence of catalogues with printerindexes, or of comprehensive bibliographies like Norton, have made it