Donn Worgs
Towson University
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Perspectives on Politics | 2006
Clarence N. Stone; Marion Orr; Donn Worgs
Positing behavior as interest driven insufficiently explains why reform is difficult. This article draws on experiences with school reform to argue that ideas in the form of purposes play a part. Purposes, however, are erratic sources of motivation, sometimes generating intense commitments but often functioning in a mercurial manner. They operate in conjunction with the character and strength of supports. Purposes that are compatible in principle may nevertheless compete for time, resources, and especially attention. Because human beings are creatures of bounded rationality, any given purpose is susceptible to attention shift. Interpersonal and interorganizational networks can serve as counterweights by bolstering identity with the reform goal, providing cognitive reinforcement for it, and enhancing the credibility of a reform goal as achievable. In an assessment of the role of ideas, it is important to remember that they come in a variety of scopes and levels of abstractness. As forces in the politics of reform, ideas have a part shaped by context. The role of ideas in the local setting is quite different from their role in media-infused battles at the national level. Local arenas are frequently nonpartisan, with actors focused on immediate concerns, daily demands, and scarce resources. Because concrete actions may be more important than ideological posture, mass persuasion may be of less concern than enlistment of scattered cadres of task-specific activists.Clarence Stone is Research Professor of Political Science and Public Policy at George Washington and Professor Emeritus, University of Maryland ([email protected]). Marion Orr is Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Political Science and Urban Studies, Brown University ([email protected]). Donn Worgs is Assistant Professor of Political Science and Director of Metropolitan Studies, Towson University (dworgs@ towson.edu). The authors wish to thank three anonymous reviewers for extraordinarily helpful comments.
Journal of Black Studies | 2006
Donn Worgs
Throughout African Americans’ struggle for liberation, there have been incidents of their engaging in violent revolt—from slave revolts to the urban riots of the 21st century. Images and depictions of violent revolt have also been a recurring element in African American artistic productions—including literature, music, and film. An analysis of these “fantasies” of violent revolt provides insight into how African Americans understand violent revolt, and under what conditions such actions are justified. The analysis reveals that violent revolt is understood by many as both instrumental (a means to a desired end—usually freedom) and cathartic. Furthermore, there are four recurring themes within these fantasies. These include a justification for violence, the need to fight to gain the “respect” of the oppressor, the rage of the oppressed along with their yearning for retribution, and the humanizing or transformative effect of participating in a violent revolt against an oppressor.
Journal of Black Studies | 2014
Tamelyn Tucker-Worgs; Donn Worgs
In recent years, there have been a number of examples of African Americans mobilizing around morality politics issues. In Maryland, Black churches and church leaders mobilized against legalizing same-sex marriage. This entailed a more extensive mobilization than for any issue in recent memory. Despite this unprecedented mobilization, a majority of Black state legislators supported a measure legalizing same-sex marriage as the vast majority voted on the basis of their personal attitudes on the issue. This suggests Black legislators may serve as a buffer against Black social conservatism. Examination of this issue yields some important insights in terms of how Black churches mobilize in the contemporary context, perceptions of the political power of the Black church, how conceptions of “civil rights” intersects with this particular issue, and the inadequacy of labels like “progressive” or “conservative” to fully describe many Black political actors—especially when it comes to morality politics.
Archive | 2015
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; John Betancur; Susan E. Clarke; Marilyn Dantico; Martin Horak; Karen Mossberger; Juliet Musso; Jefferey M. Sellers; Ellen Shiau; Harold Wolman; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2015
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; John Betancur; Susan E. Clarke; Marilyn Dantico; Martin Horak; Karen Mossberger; Juliet Musso; Jefferey M. Sellers; Ellen Shiau; Harold Wolman; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2015
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; John Betancur; Susan E. Clarke; Marilyn Dantico; Martin Horak; Karen Mossberger; Juliet Musso; Jefferey M. Sellers; Ellen Shiau; Harold Wolman; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2015
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; John Betancur; Susan E. Clarke; Marilyn Dantico; Martin Horak; Karen Mossberger; Juliet Musso; Jefferey M. Sellers; Ellen Shiau; Harold Wolman; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2008
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2016
Tamelyn Tucker-Worgs; Donn Worgs
Archive | 2015
Clarence N. Stone; Robert P. Stoker; John Betancur; Susan E. Clarke; Marilyn Dantico; Martin Horak; Karen Mossberger; Juliet Musso; Jefferey M. Sellers; Ellen Shiau; Harold Wolman; Donn Worgs