Dorothee J. Chwilla

Structure and limited capacity in verbal working memory: A study with event-related potentials ☆

In order to test recent claims about the structure of verbal working memory, two ERP experiments with Dutch speaking participants were carried out. We compared the ERP effects of syntactic and semantic mid-sentence anomalies in subject and object relative sentences. In Experiment 1, the participants made acceptability judgments, while in Experiment 2 they read for comprehension. Syntactic anomalies concerned subject-verb disagreement, while semantic anomalies were related to implausible events (e.g., *The cat that fled from the mice ran through the room). Semantic anomalies did not elicit an N400 effect. The semantic as well as syntactic anomalies elicited P600 effects, with similar centro-parietal scalp distributions. For both kinds of anomaly, the P600 effects were modulated by syntactic complexity: they were either relatively small (Experiment 1) or absent (Experiment 2) in object relative sentences. Taken together, our results suggest that: (a) verbal working memory is a limited capacity system; (b) it is not subdivided into an interpretative and a post-interpretative component (); (c) the P600 can reflect the presence of a semantic bias in syntactically unambiguous sentences; (d) the P600 is related to language monitoring: its function is to check upon the veridicality of an unexpected (linguistic) event; (e) if such a check is made, there is no integration of the event and hence no N400 effect.

An event-related brain potential analysis of visual word priming effects.

Two experiments are reported that provide evidence on task-induced effects during visual lexical processing in a prime-target semantic priming paradigm. The research focuses on target expectancy effects by manipulating the proportion of semantically related and unrelated word pairs. In Experiment 1, a lexical decision task was used and reaction times (RTs) and event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were obtained. In Experiment 2, subjects silently read the stimuli, without any additional task demands, and ERPs were recorded. The RT and ERP results of Experiment 1 demonstrate that an expectancy mechanism contributed to the priming effect when a high proportion of related word pairs was presented. The ERP results of Experiment 2 show that in the absence of extraneous task requirements, an expectancy mechanism is not active. However, a standard ERP semantic priming effect was obtained in Experiment 2. The combined results show that priming effects due to relatedness proportion are induced by task demands and are not a standard aspect of online lexical processing.

Three-step priming in lexical decision

In two experiments, we investigated mediated two-step priming (e.g., from LION to STRIPES via TIGER) and three-step priming (e.g., from MANE to STRIPES via LION and TIGER). Experiment 1 showed robust twostep priming in the double lexical decision task. In Experiment 2, we tested for three-step priming and investigated the possibility that it is not association strength based on free association, but frequency of co-occurrence, that causes three-step priming. Co-occurrence has been proposed as a measure of familiarity and semantic relatedness. Significant three-step priming was obtained. Lexical co-occurrence could not account for the effect. However, a more global measure of semantic similarity that includes the similarity of the contexts in which concepts occur revealed that the three-step pairs were semantically related. If this global measure provides a proper estimate of the semantic relatedness of our items, then three-step priming is consistent not only with spreading activation models, but also with distributed memory models and the compound cue model.

Event-related potential and reaction time evidence for inhibition between alternative meanings of ambiguous words

We investigated the effects of two primes that converged onto the same semantic target representation (e.g., LION-STRIPES-TIGER) or diverged onto different semantic target representations (e.g., KIDNEY-PIANO-ORGAN). Balota and Paul (1996) showed that the RT effects of two related primes in naming and lexical decision are additive, both for unambiguous and ambiguous words. Only in a relatedness judgment task ambiguous words showed underadditivity, whereas unambiguous words again showed additivity. This underadditivity was interpreted to reflect inhibition of alternative meanings of ambiguous words. In this article we tested whether inhibition occurs for N400, assumed to index postlexical integration. In lexical decision, we found additive N400 and RT effects for unambiguous and for ambiguous words. In a relatedness judgment task we observed differences between measures: (1) for unambiguous words overadditivity for N400 vs. additivity for RT; (2) although, for ambiguous words underadditivity occurred for N400 and RT, the effects were different. For RT, the alternative meaning was only less available, whereas for N400 the alternative meaning appeared completely unavailable. Our results have implications for our understanding of inhibitory processes in the processing of ambiguous words and for the functional significance of N400.