Dubravka Zarkov

Ambiguities and dilemmas around #MeToo: #ForHow Long and #WhereTo?

[...] we decided to use this editorial to explore some of our concerns about #MeToo and, more generally, feminist responses to the problem of sexual harassment and sexual violence. [...]

EJWS retrospective on intersectionality

The EJWS has been at the forefront of debates about intersectionality in Europe. In the past two decades, the journal has published countless articles on intersectionality as theory, methodology, and political framework for doing critical feminist research. We have selected some of these articles that illustrate the rich and varied European contribution to intersectionality. We want to use this as an opportunity to think critically about the possibilities and pitfalls of one of feminism’s most important travelling theories. The selected articles can be accessed at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/ejw/collections/virtual-special-issues/intersectionality

Ontologies of International Humanitarian and Criminal Law: ‘Locals’ and ‘Internationals’ in Discourses and Practices of Justice

This chapter looks at constructions of the ‘local’ and the ‘international’ actors of war violence and justice within the contemporary hegemonic discourses and practices of international humanitarian and criminal law, following two lines of investigation: utilization of gendered and racialized discourses that link war, sexual violence and justice; and the absence of powerful states and political-military leaders from the lists of accused for war crimes, including the crimes of sexual violence. I argue that those constructions are part of a shift in thinking about war, violence and justice that occurred in the past two and a half decades, or more precisely, with the wars in former Yugoslavia and the genocide in Rwanda. Further, that they support ontological distinctions between the ‘community of interveners’, on the one hand, and the victims and perpetrators of violence, on the other.

Populism, polarization and social justice activism

In June 2016, Britain’s referendum, with a turnout just over 70%, resulted in 52% of votes in favour of the UK exiting the European Union. Sovereignty, national pride and security were among the main issues causing divisions between the ‘leave’ and ‘stay’ camps. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) – one of the main supporters of Brexit – is a right-wing, populist party with an anti-immigration, anti-multiculturalism (read: anti-Muslim) position, arguing for Britain’s withdrawal from European Conventions on Refugees and Human Rights, supporting ‘traditional family values’ and opposing LGBT rights such as same-sex marriage. In the Austrian presidential elections, Norbert Hofer, the candidate of the far-right, populist, nationalist, Eurosceptic, anti-immigration, anti-Islam Freedom Party of Austria, won in the first round, then lost in the second round to a Green Party candidate in December 2016. Hofer received 46% of the vote, in a 74% voter turnout. Since 1990, the FPA has never had below 10% votes in national elections, going at one point up to 26%, and in the last 10 years saw a steady increase in support. The party argues for so-called traditional family values, against policies for gender equality. In the March 2017 parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, the Labour Party (Partij van de Arbeid, PvdA) faced massive losses, while the Party for Freedom (De Partij Voor de Vrijheid, PVV) – nationalist, populist, extreme right-wing, anti-European, anti-immigration, anti-Islam, racist, xenophobic – reached second place with over 13% votes, gaining 20 parliamentary seats. PVV has been in operation since early 2000, and within half a decade became one of the most popular parties, oscillating lately between 10 and 20% of votes. Its politicians and policies regularly define Islam as a threat to Dutch achievements in women’s and gay emancipation. In the May 2017 presidential elections in France, Marine Le Pen of National Front lost to the liberal candidate, nevertheless getting 34% votes (11 million people) against his 66%. National Front is an extreme right-wing, nationalist, populist, anti-European, anti-immigrant, anti-Islam party, led, since 2011, by the daughter of the party’s former leader, who ran for the presidency in 2002 but lost to Jacques Chirac. The party has had mixed electoral results in the past but has been a steady feature of French politics for decades. Since Marine Le Pen took over the leadership the NF has been steadily gaining votes in regional elections. In the presidential elections the daughter got in 2017 double the votes the father got in 2002. The party stands for so-called traditional family values and against gay marriage and adoption. In September 2017 Germany will face parliamentary elections. One of the parties striving to gain power is the Alternative for Germany. It was only established in 2013 but has already gained parliamentary seats in more than half the federal states in Germany. 713439 EJW0010.1177/1350506817713439European Journal of Women’s StudiesEditorial editorial2017