Eduardo Viola

Brazil and the politics of climate change: beyond the global commons

Assessing the changing role of the emerging powers in global climate change negotiations, with special attention to Brazil, we ask why they have agreed to voluntary reductions at home without formalising those commitments in ways that might persuade other large emitters to make similar binding commitments. We argue that for very large emitters, the climate issue does not evince the ‘global commons’ logic often attributed to it. Instead, since their actions can directly affect climate outcomes alone or in small groupings, large emitters are more responsive to domestic cost-benefit calculations, making international commitments based on shifting interest group pressures at home. In Brazil, a coalition of ‘Baptists and bootleggers’ found principled and interest-driven reasons to support new climate commitments after 2007.

O regime internacional de mudança climática e o Brasil

This article has three parts. In the first one the author analyses the formation of the international regime on climate change since the negotiations and signing of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Rio de Janeiro, 1992), passing through the negotiations and signing of the Kyoto Protocol (1997), till the conclusion of the Protocol pending issues in the 7th Conference of the Parts in Marrakech (2001). In the second part the author analyses the public policies related to carbon emissions in Brazil during the 1990s and the Brazilian standing in the climate-changing regime. The Brazilian standing in the negotiations of the Kyoto Protocol (1996-2001) was a combination of leadership and defensive positions: the proposal of the Clean Development Fund, opposition to commitments for the reduction of future growth rates in carbon emissions for emerging countries, initial opposition to the inclusion of market mechanisms for emissions reduction, and opposition to the inclusion of emissions derived from land use changes in the Protocol. In the third part the author analyses the future perspectives of the Kyoto Protocol after the Agreements in Bonn and Marrakech, particularly in relation to its long-term viability without the re-entering of the United States.

Climate governance in an international system under conservative hegemony: the role of major powers

Nos ultimos cinco anos, a mudanca climatica tem se estabelecido como um condutor central de nosso tempo. Como resultado desse desenvolvimento, os mais diversificados processos sociais - bem como os campos cientificos que os estudam - tem tido suas dinâmicas alteradas. Em Relacoes Internacionais, esse duplo desafio pode ser explicado da seguinte maneira: 1) em termos empiricos, a mudanca climatica impoe um aprofundamento nos niveis de cooperacao na comunidade internacional, considerando o carater comum global da atmosfera; e 2) para as Relacoes Internacionais enquanto disciplina, a mudanca climatica demanda da comunidade cientifica uma revisao conceitual das categorias concebidas para abordar o desenvolvimento da governanca climatica global. O objetivo deste artigo e discutir em ambos termos empirico e conceitual a estrutura da governanca em mudanca climatica global, por meio de uma pesquisa exploratoria, com o objetivo de identificar os elementos-chave que permitam entender sua dinâmica. Para isso, levamos em conta o conceito de potencias climaticas. Esta discussao esta fundamentada sob o seguinte quadro: nos agora vivemos em um sistema internacional sob uma hegemonia conservadora que e incapaz de responder adequadamente aos problemas da interdependencia, dentre os quais - e principalmente -, a questao climatica.

Brazil in the context of global governance politics and climate change, 1989-2003

The climate regime is the more comprehensive and ambitious of all environmental regimes, linking in a very direct way one the most crucial economic issue, the use of energy and energy efficiency with one of the stronger environmental threaten. For this reason the climate regime is one of the most important examples of the impasses of building up some limited global governance in a unipolar anarchic world. The paper discusses the evolution of the Brazilian standing in its relation with the world during the last decade: moving from a more nationalist toward a more liberal and globalist standing in many issues related to the governance of the world. Also, the paper analyses the evolution of the Brazilian stance in the negotiations of the Kyoto Protocol: strong defense of the principle of common/differentiated responsibility, proposal of Clean Development Fund, alliance with USA for transforming the Clean Development Fund in the Clean Development Mechanism, moving from opposition to supporting of flexibility mechanisms, making bridge between developed and developing countries in many negotiations, supporting the European Union in the opposition to the inclusion of carbon sinks, opposition to emergent countries voluntary commitments, opposition to the eligibility of primary forest protection for the Clean Development Mechanism, strong criticism of the withdraw of USA in March 2001, leading role among developing countries in supporting the reaching of a final agreement in Bonn (July 2001) and Marrakech (November 2001), and leading role in trying to achieve the ratification of the Protocol in 2002. Finally the paper shows how the reluctance of Russia to ratify the Protocol during 2003 was producing a combination of despair and disengagement in the Lula administration.

Os limiares planetários, a Rio+20 e o papel do Brasil

In this paper, we analyze the global environmental problems within the concept of planetary boundaries, along with the last advances in natural sciences. In this context, our aim is exploring the role of Brazil with regard to the governance of a safe operating space for humanity, evaluating how the country provides its huge physical environmental capital with specific policies directed towards a low carbon green economy (LCGE), both domestically and in the international domain. To achieve this goal, first, we discuss LCGE on a conceptual basis as a paradigm of development compatible with a safe operating space for humanity; second, we analyze Rio+20 from the perspective of the global governance of planetary boundaries and the Brazilian role in the Summit; and, finally, we provide a diagnosis of the Brazilian status with regard to the new paradigm of development. As conclusions from the analysis, we highlight the growing distance between the acceleration of interdependence problems – especially the definition of a safe operating space for humanity – and the current global governance mechanisms, derived from an international system which is blocked and dominated by conservative forces. The frustrating outcome of Rio+20 is a clear evidence of this gap. According to this dynamics, Brazil has the potential to be a key actor with regard to the governance of planetary boundaries, due to its huge physical environmental capital. However, the little advance of LCGE in the country hampers this action ability and turns it into an underachiever environmental power.

Transformations in Brazilian Deforestation and Climate Policy Since 2005

In the five-year period 2005-2009, Brazil dramatically reduced carbon emissions by about twenty-five percent and at the same time maintained a stable economic growth rate of 3.5% annually. This combination of economic growth and emissions reduction is unique in the world. It was driven by a dramatic reduction in deforestation in the Amazonian forest and the Cerrado Savannah. This shift empowered the sustainability social forces in Brazil to the point that in December 2009 Congress passed a very progressive law internalizing carbon constraints and promoting the transition to a low-carbon economy. The Article first analyzes the Brazilian position in the global carbon cycle and public policies since 2005, including the progressive shift in 2009 and the contradictory dynamic in 2010-2012. It then analyzes the potential for a transition to a low-carbon economy in Brazil and the impact on global climate governance.

Climate Politics in Brazil: Public Awareness, Social Transformations and Emissions Reduction

Recent advances in aspects of Brazilian climate policy have led to a significant reduction in the rate of carbon emissions from deforestation in the Amazonian region of the country. Despite the notable progress made in this area, Brazil still faces significant social, economic and political challenges in embedding a low-carbon model of economic development. The aims of this chapter are to provide a critical examination of the forces shaping Brazilian climate politics over the past decade and the major obstacles to the deepening of climate mitigation policy in Brazil, and to examine political strategies that the Brazilian government could use to avoid or moderate these constraining forces. In order to achieve these aims, the chapter is divided into six sections. In the first, we analyse Brazil’s status in the global economy and the country’s unique significance in the global carbon cycle. In the second section, we outline the main features of Brazil’s greenhouse gas trajectory, focusing on Brazil’s key emissions sources: deforestation, agriculture and cattle, energy, industry and waste. In the third section, we provide an overview of governing structures in Brazil relevant to climate and energy policies. In the fourth, we highlight the major features of Brazilian climate politics and policies in the last two decades, noting the growing awareness of climate issues in the country and the evolution of mitigation measures since 2009.

Sistema internacional de hegemonia conservadora: o fracasso da Rio + 20 na governança dos limites planetários

In 2009, Rockstrom et al inaugurated a new approach to the study of environmental problems. The notion of planetary boundaries became a key instrument to assess the trajectory of environmental governance and, in a more profound way, the path of human civilization. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview and an analysis of Rio+20 using the global governance of planetary boundaries as main criteria. The role of Brazil in the Summit is also considered. The main conclusion is that the Rio+20 was a failure in terms of defining a safe operating space for humanity. That negative outcome reflects the main features of the international system: blocked and dominated by conservative forces. In this context, Brazil operates as an underachiever environmental power, combining a huge physical environmental capital with a poor social environmental capital.

Wandering decarbonization: the BRIC countries as conservative climate powers

This article discusses the role of China, Russia, India and Brazil in the climate regime. It describes the trajectory of their emissions, of their domestic policies and of their international commitments, and argues that, despite their responsibility in causing the problem, they have been conservative forces in the climate regime.

Brazilian Energy-Climate Policy and Politics towards Low Carbon Development

Climate change has proved to be one of the greatest threats to human survival on Earth. Its mitigation requires that the greatest Greenhouse Gases (GHG) emitters adopt low carbon development, reducing emissions substantially. Brazil is among them. Although deforestation is still the main source of Brazilian emissions, since 1990 emissions from energy systems and industrial processes have increased and their shares in total Brazilian emissions have been consistently larger. It is the objective of the article to analyse Brazilian energy-climate policy and politics from 1990 to 2014 in order to clarify Brazilian progress towards low carbon development and Brazilian positions in the international climate change regime.