Edward L. Lascher

Gun Behind the Door? Ballot Initiatives, State Policies and Public Opinion

One of the most important claims about the ballot initiative process is that it makes government more responsive to public demands than would be the case under a purely representative system. This argument has not been subject to systematic empirical analysis. In this article we test the claim about enhanced responsiveness, drawing on public opinion data, measures of policy outcomes, and information about the use of initiatives in the American states. We find no evidence that initiatives make for more responsive policy. We also offer a number of possible explanations for this conclusion.

WHO SUPPORTS LOCAL GROWTH AND REGIONAL PLANNING TO DEAL WITH ITS CONSEQUENCES

Using 1989 and 2002 California survey data, this article offers a multivariate statistical analysis of factors that determine individual support for further growth in ones county as well as support for regional coordination of local land-use decisions. Women and residents of higher per capita income counties were more likely to believe that their county had reached its growth limit. In 2002 we also found that aging changes ones opinion on this issue. Additionally, people who believed “sprawl” to be a very important issue in their region in 2002 were more likely to favor a state mandate requiring the regional coordination of local land uses.

Response to Matsusaka: Estimating the Effect of Ballot Initiatives on Policy Responsiveness

John Matsusaka raises important questions about the methodology we used in earlier work to assess the impact of the initiative process (Camobreco 1998; Lascher, Hagen, and Rochlin 1996). Statistical tools applied routinely can nevertheless be applied thoughtlessly, and Matsusakas uncommon attention to the fit between method and substance merits careful consideration. We ourselves have benefited from thinking the issues through, and we are pleased to have this opportunity to make more explicit the underpinnings of our work. In the end, however, we believe that the criticism is off the mark and that our conclusions stand. The data and methods we have used are perfectly suited to test the null hypothesis to which we applied them: government policy is no more responsive to the electorates preferences in states where ballot initiatives are permitted than in states where they are not. Our purpose in this note is to sketch our reasoning in more detail. Like Matsusaka, we conclude with some observations about the accumulated evidence on the value of ballot initiatives.

The Myth of the Independent Voter, California Style

Much recent California political commentary stresses the sharp rise in the proportion of voters declining to state a party preference and the supposed increasing importance of political independents. Yet The Myth of the Independent Voter and other political science literature provide grounds for skepticism, emphasizing the strong partisan leanings of most self declared independents. We reexamine the evidence, drawing on the most appropriate source of data: Field Polls of the California electorate over many years. We find that expectations from Myth generally hold up well. Most California independents lean toward one or the other major party, the portion of pure independents has increased only marginally, Californians continue to follow their party allegiance in expressing voting preferences, and on several measures pure independents remain the least civically engaged adults. We also analyze why misconceptions about independent voters are so enduring despite political science evidence to the contrary.

Sub-national Fiscal Activity as a Determinant of Individual Happiness: Ideology Matters

Though there has been a recent outpouring of studies on the determinants of individual happiness, there remains a paucity of research on the influence of specific sub-national government policies. Additionally, theoretical expectations about how fiscal variables influence happiness are unclear, making further empirical research imperative. Combining survey data and aggregate information about state and local government revenue and expenditures within the United States, we draw inferences about whether or not such activities affect individual happiness. We find no indication that the overall level of state or local fiscal activity affects life satisfaction. However, we offer evidence that personal happiness could be increased with an increase in the percentage of sub-national expenditure devoted to public safety. We also find that there are notable differences across ideological groups (conservatives, moderates, and liberals) with respect to how much public safety influences happiness, as well as how some other fiscal variables influence happiness. We conclude that ideology mediates the impact of fiscal variables on life satisfaction.

Campus Racial Climate and Student Academic Outcomes: A Critique of Prior Research and Recommendations for Future Study

What explains the persistent gap in college retention between white American college students and those who are members of ethnic minority groups? Some argue that a large part of the answer is campus racial climate: a negative climate disproportionately harms minority students and leads to worse outcomes. Existing theory provides some basis for this expectation. However, we find that empirical support for this claim is weak. Many studies fail to compare findings across racial groups, and the few that do offer at best inconsistent support for the thesis that racial climate helps to explain the retention gap. Furthermore, many studies are plagued with severe methodological problems such as lack of attention to level of analysis and failure to offer rigorous tests of differences across groups. We discuss the implications and offer recommendations for future research.

Lessons from the Collective Action Game

Political scientists commonly use their courses to emphasize the pervasive nature of collective action problems, whereby group interests are undermined by individual incentives to “defect” or “free ride.” In a graduate seminar a faculty member may have students read classics in this area, such as Mancur Olsons The Logic of Collective Action ( 1965 ). Graduate students are often expected to model a collective action problem as a prisoners dilemma and be able to understand the implications in such areas as establishment of interest groups, voting turnout, budgeting, and military relationships among nations. Even in lower division undergraduate courses political science instructors may integrate concepts from collective action theory. This orientation is also evident in some textbooks. Thus in their introduction to American politics, Samuel Kernell and Gary C. Jacobson ( 2003 ) offer an extensive discussion of collective action problems and the role of government, and return repeatedly to this topic throughout their book. Similarly, a focus on collective action problems is at the heart of Walter Stones introductory American politics text, Republic at Risk ( 1990 ).

September 11 Victims, Random Events, and the Ethics of Compensation

The authors focus on a relatively unexplored aspect of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks—the extent to which it was ethically appropriate to compensate victims of that tragedy, especially in comparison to victims of other unfortunate events. After providing back-ground on federal disaster and victim compensation policies, the authors offer a set of principles for determining when the government should provide direct reimbursement to victims for losses incurred, drawing on both deontological and utilitarian reasoning. The authors then apply these standards to the September 11 attacks and other unfortunate events such as the Oklahoma City bombing.

Reforming California: Political Patchwork versus a Constitutional Convention

THE CALIFORNIA Journal of Politics & Policy Commentary Reforming California: Political Patchwork versus a Constitutional Convention Brian DiSarro, Wesley Hussey, and Edward L. Lascher, Jr.* With constitutional reform fever seeming to emerge from nowhere in the summer and fall of 2009, it looked as though Californians would soon get the opportunity to vote on calling a state constitutional convention. Almost as rapidly, the fever waned, and with it went the potential for a convention. For those who follow California politics, the abrupt change of political winds is nothing new. But that tailspin did manage to generate a revival of interest in restructuring California government for the 21st century and beyond. The state now lumbers along with an 1879 Copyright

Beyond the September 11 Victim Compensation Fund: Support for Any Future American Terror Casualties

If a future terrorist attack results in casualties on American soil, what, if any, government compensation should be provided to victims? Despite the enormous attention given to the September 11, 2001, attacks and the near universal sympathy for their casualties, there is no apparent consensual answer to the above question among politicians, academics, or within society at large. While tens of billions of dollars in public funds have been allocated to preventing another attack, and tens of thousands of personnel hours have been devoted to simulations aimed at helping victims in the immediate aftermath, relatively little attention has been given to what support might (or might not) be justified to provide for longer term needs. Victim compensation remains off the radar screen for even the vast majority of people whose daily lives are significantly consumed by contemplating terrorism. The authors would like to thank Michael Powers, Bruce Wolk, two anonymous referees for PS , participants in the PPA/Economics brownbag seminar, and Laschers PPA 210 students for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.