Emily T. Metzgar

Defining hyperlocal media: Proposing a framework for discussion

Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news media, there is no agreed-upon definition for the term. Recognizing that shortcoming, we demonstrate the need for a more precise definition. We then propose a definition and criteria for evaluating media operations described as hyperlocal. Finally, we apply our working definition to six operations widely regarded as exemplars of the hyperlocal prototype, comparing each to established standards of journalism and to one another. We conclude that hyperlocal media operations are evolving on a continuum. As they evolve, these organizations will showcase both a range of journalism acting in the public good and engagement facilitated through interactive media. We expect the definition of hyperlocal to evolve, too, as more voices enter the discussion and closer attention is given to the characteristics of websites deemed worthy of the appellation.

SUSTAINING HYPERLOCAL MEDIA

As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving interactive technology and economic turmoil, media innovators are exploring new ways to identify, collect, and disseminate information. One innovation that is attracting attention is the development of hyperlocal media. Hyperlocal media are characterized by their narrow focus on a handful of topics or geographic areas, but they vary widely in the type and reliability of funding that supports their operations; the training, expertise, and size of their staffs; and their ability to attract an audience. They also follow in a long line of media reform efforts that have tried to fill the gap in public affairs coverage left by the shrinking traditional media, including civic journalism, C-SPAN (Cable–Satellite Public Affairs Network), and statewide public affairs television networks. And like these earlier reform efforts, hyperlocal media operations face the same dilemma—how to create a sustainable funding model that will allow them to provide the information members of the public need. This paper examines the various funding models used by hyperlocal media operations and assesses whether they are sustainable for the long term.

Public Diplomacy, Smith-Mundt and the American Public

The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is a mostly unknown and widely misunderstood piece of legislation. Revised multiple times, the law bans domestic dissemination of Voice of America and other U.S. international broadcast content in the United States. Presenting government-supported international broadcasting as an example of public diplomacy, this article discusses the long-term misrepresentation of Smith-Mundts original intent and highlights the consequences of the continuing ban. The article considers prospects for ending the ban and emphasizes potential opportunities presented by its elimination, concluding that ending the ban might eliminate incongruity between American foreign policy goals of democracy promotion and the reality of banned domestic content. Repeal of the ban may also result in unexpected remedies for challenges facing the American media industry and the American publics desire for international news. The United States government may be the largest broadcaster that few Americans know about. Although its networks reach 100 countries in 59 languages, they are banned from distribution in the United States by a 1948 law devised to prevent the government from turning its propaganda machine on its own citizens. 1 1Mark Landler, A New Voice of America for the Age of Twitter, N.Y. Times, June 7, 2011 at 9. The broadcasters comprising the U.S. international broadcasting operation are the Voice of America (VOA), Alhurra, Radio Sawa, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, and Radio and TV Marti. The Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) is “a bipartisan agency … that acts as a ‘firewall’ between the U.S. government and international broadcasting entities it funds.” Kim Andrew Elliott, America Calling: A 21st-Century Model, Foreign Service J., Oct. 2010, at 31. When Smith-Mundt was passed in 1948, USIB authority fell under the Department of State. Later, Congress created the United States Information Agency (USIA) to facilitate American public diplomacy operations. After the end of the cold war, Congress dismantled USIA and returned responsibility for American public diplomacy efforts to the Department of State. For an excellent history of the rise and fall of the USIA, see Nicholas J. Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy 1945–1989 (2008).

Institutions of Higher Education as Public Diplomacy Tools: China-Based University Programs for the 21st Century.

Two flagship Chinese universities are home to newly established English-language graduate programs intended to arm international cohorts of future leaders with the skills, knowledge, and insights necessary to thrive in a world in which China will play a leading role. Employing the literature of international education and public diplomacy, this study considers the two new programs—Schwarzman Scholars at Tsinghua University and Yenching Academy at Peking University—presenting them as international educational exchanges with all the public diplomacy connotations that term implies. Although Confucius Institutes typically dominate discussion of China’s public diplomacy efforts in educational milieu overseas, the nearly simultaneous emergence of the Schwarzman and Yenching programs offers an opportunity to consider the role of institutions of higher education, this time within China, as part of that country’s ongoing soft power promotion efforts.

Investigating effects of social media news sharing on the relationship between network heterogeneity and political participation

This study investigated how use of social media is associated with political participation by focusing on the effects of network heterogeneity and news use on social media. Specifically, we introduce the concept of news sharing as a potential determinant of participation.Our study found the presence of two sub-dimensions of news sharing: news externalizing (e.g., news posting) and news internalizing (e.g., news seeking). Both dimensions were found to have a distinct pathway to participation, with news externalizing affecting participation directly and news internalizing affecting participation indirectly through news externalizing.Additionally, our data revealed the moderating effects of news sharing, which indicates that heterogeneous online social networks may boost citizens participation when users are active in sharing news with others. We examined the link among news sharing, network heterogeneity and political participation.We revealed two sub-dimensions of news sharing: externalizing and internalizing.News internalizing affects participation, but only indirectly via externalizing.News externalizing moderates between network heterogeneity and participation.

The Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program: 30 Years of Public Diplomacy in Practice

Although it was established 30 years ago and has generated more than 60,000 alumni worldwide, the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program is rarely studied as an international exchange effort. Employing original survey data, this chapter considers the JET Program in the context of the literature of international exchanges. Focused specifically on American alumni of the program, the work presented here suggests that by recruiting young college graduates to live in Japan for periods of a year or more, the JET Program is well designed to promote lifelong affinity toward Japan on the part of participants long after they have returned home.

Friends from Afar

This research characterizes American media coverage of China’s Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China’s public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China’s rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China’s public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered.

Leaving It There? The Hutchins Commission and Modern American Journalism

Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask todays media consumers how they rate the performance of modern American journalism. We employ original survey data collected from journalism students at a major Midwest university, framing our findings in the context of the commissions 1947 recommendations. The result is presentation of contemporary opinions about the performance of American media in the context of journalism ideals articulated more than 60 years ago.