Enrico Dal Lago

Slave systems : ancient and modern

Part I. Slavery, Slave Systems, World History and Comparative History: 1. The study of ancient and modern slave systems: setting an agenda for comparison Enrico Dal Lago and Constantina Katsari 2. Slavery, gender, and work in the pre-modern world and early Greece: a cross-cultural analysis Orlando Patterson 3. Slavery as historical process: examples from the ancient Mediterranean and the modern Atlantic Joseph C. Miller Part II. Economics and Technology of Ancient and Modern Slave Systems: 4. The comparative economics of slavery in the Greco-Roman world Walter Scheidel 5. Slavery and technology in pre-industrial contexts Tracey Rihll 6. Comparing or interlinking? Economic comparisons of early nineteenth-century slave systems in the Americas in historical perspective Michael Zeuske Part III. Ideologies and Practices of Management in Ancient and Modern Slavery: 7. Ideal models of slave management in the Roman world and the Antebellum American South Enrico Dal Lago and Constantina Katsari 8. Panis, disciplina, et opus servo: the Jesuit ideology in Portuguese America and Greco-Roman ideas of slavery Rafael de Bivar Marquese and Fabio Duarte Joly Part IV. Exiting Slave Systems: 9. Processes of exiting the slave systems: a typology Olivier Petre-Grenouilleau 10. Emancipation schemes: different ways of ending slavery Stanley Engerman Part V. Slavery and Unfree Labor, Ancient and Modern: 11. Spartiates, helots, and the direction of the agrarian economy: toward an understanding of helotage in comparative perspective Stephen Hodkinson.

“We Cherished the Same Hostility to Every Form of Tyranny”: Transatlantic Parallels and Contacts between William Lloyd Garrison and Giuseppe Mazzini, 1846–1872

Abstract This essay focuses on making connections and comparisons between American abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Italian democratic nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini. It is well known that Garrison felt a particular affinity with Mazzini. Convinced of fighting for similar ideals – the liberation of slaves from exploitation and the acknowledgment of oppressed nationalities – Garrison and Mazzini developed a mutual admiration and friendship. They shared a common belief in the universality of human rights, and they both saw the abolition of slavery and national regeneration as crucial steps in humankinds march towards progress. My essay aims at highlighting an important aspect of both Garrisons and Mazzinis thought: their absolute conviction of being part of a transcontinental, transatlantic, and progressive nineteenth-century movement for the affirmation of liberty over oppression and slavery in all forms.Abstract This essay focuses on making connections and comparisons between American abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Italian democratic nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini. It is well known that Garrison felt a particular affinity with Mazzini. Convinced of fighting for similar ideals – the liberation of slaves from exploitation and the acknowledgment of oppressed nationalities – Garrison and Mazzini developed a mutual admiration and friendship. They shared a common belief in the universality of human rights, and they both saw the abolition of slavery and national regeneration as crucial steps in humankinds march towards progress. My essay aims at highlighting an important aspect of both Garrisons and Mazzinis thought: their absolute conviction of being part of a transcontinental, transatlantic, and progressive nineteenth-century movement for the affirmation of liberty over oppression and slavery in all forms.

Small Nations and Colonial Peripheries in World War I

This edited volume examines World War I comparatively in both small nations and colonial peripheries. Chapters address subject nations within Europe such as Ireland and Poland; neutral states, such as Sweden and Spain; and colonies like German East Africa.This edited volume examines World War I comparatively in both small nations and colonial peripheries. Chapters address subject nations within Europe such as Ireland and Poland; neutral states, such as Sweden and Spain; and colonies like German East Africa.

Patriarchs and republicans: eighteenth‐century Virginian planters and classical politics

This article argues that the metaphor of George Washington as Father of his Country– or Pater Patriae– must be seen in the context of the culture of the eighteenth-century Virginian planter elite. Classical education and English commonwealthmens writings had given most planters familiarity with Roman republican figures such as Cicero, who first bore the title of Pater Patriae, and had prompted them to consider independence and disinterestedness for the sake of public good as the most important signs of virtue in the optimal republican citizen. At the same time, patriarchalism – the prominent ethos among Virginian planters – dictated that the representatives of the upper classes ought to display their virtue through an attitude of benevolence towards the lower strata of society, and especially towards the slaves.

Emancipation from Slavery and Serfdom, and Land Rights. The Americas and Eastern Europe Compared

A comparative study of the complex processes of emancipation in the Americas and Eastern Europe shows that, in both cases, the established governments were the main agents that decreed the end of unfree labour, with the single exception represented by the case of the Haitian Revolution. As a result, in most cases, the governments’ provisions were conservative in conception and practice and tended to safeguard the interests of slaveholders and serfowners, rather than those of slaves and serfs, by providing the former with some type of compensation for their loss in capital and by keeping the latter in some transitional form of coerced labour before the achievement of their full free status. Here,the exception was the 1863 United States Emancipation Proclamation, which declared African American slaves immediately free and with no compensation for slaveholders, with some similarities with Brazil’s 1888 Golden Law. In the case of the ex-slaves’ and the ex-serfs’ rights to own land, however, all the governments enacting emancipation acted in remarkably similar ways, by providing no avenues for the liberated labourers’ immediate acquisition of landed property, and thus effectively preventing the formation of landed peasantries out of the newly freed populations of the Americas and Eastern Europe for many decades.

Nation-Building, Civil War, and Social Revolution in the Confederate South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1860–1865

The nineteenth century was an age characterized by experiments in nation-building throughout the Euro-American world, and beyond. An established historiography has documented and interpreted the variety of these experiments, connecting it to the rise of modern types of nations, primarily in Europe and the Americas. Since the publication of the classic works by Eric Hobsbawm, Ernest Gellner, and Benedict Anderson, more and more American historians—among them James McPherson, Drew Faust, and Susan-Mary Grant, to cite but a few—have transferred some of those ideas onto the mid-nineteenth-century USA and have used them to add a new dimension to research on the American Civil War.1 In these studies, scholars have seen the American Civil War either through its features of “crisis in nationalism” or as a process of consolidation of the American nation through the Union’s defeat of the Confederacy and the making of emancipation. At the same time, though, a very important influence has come also from the recent “transnational turn” in US history, and particularly from the work of Thomas Bender, Carl Guarneri, and Ian Tyrrell, and also of scholars such as Charles Bright and Michael Geyer, C.A. Bayly, and Nicholas and Peter Onuf, all of whom have clearly placed the American Civil War in relation to contemporary processes of nation-building in mid-nineteenth-century Europe and the Americas.2

Radicalism and Nationalism: Northern “Liberators” and Southern Laborers in the United States and Italy, 1830–1860

This excerpt is taken from an article titled “Prospects of Italy— Italian Liberalism,” published in the 1858 issue of one of the foremost literary reviews in late antebellum America: Russell’s Magazine. From the appearance of its first issue, in 1857, Russell’s Magazine quickly established itself as a periodical that—in the words of editor Paul Hamilton Hayne—represented “the opinions, doctrines, and arguments of the educated minds of the South.”2 At the same time, the magazine’s contributors, who also included celebrated planter and poet William Grayson, were wholeheartedly committed to the support and defense of U.S. Southern institutions, especially slavery. Therefore, the author of the excerpt captured the opinion of a considerable part of the Southern slaveholding elite by making an interesting connection between American abolitionists and Italian Liberals—a generic term that described the political activists who worked toward the goals of “freeing” Italians from foreign rule and creating an Italian nation. As it happens, those activists genetically qualified as “Italian Liberals” in the United States and in other countries included a more conservative group, the Moderate Liberals, and a more radical group, the Democrats. Even though the two groups shared the same hatred for slavery and a general affinity for the freedom of people and nations, Italian Democrats were the closest to American abolitionists, since many of them were indeed committed to the immediate emancipation of U.S. Southern slaves, and thus these two groups formed, in that respect, “one army, fighting under the same banner, for the same cause,” as the author of Russell’s Magazine so eloquently argued.3

Investigating Colonialism within Europe

In this quotation, premier African American intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois described the state of the European-dominated world of the 1920s as haunted by the shadow of colonialism. He could foresee an eventual end to European colonial dominance, but could not imagine how Europe and much of the world would look in the wake of decolonisation, so intrinsic was Europe’s relationship with its colonies to its identity in the early decades of the twentieth century. This volume, The Shadow of Colonialism on Europe’s Modern Past, attempts to pursue the field of inquiry that he called for, ‘of likening and contrasting each [European] land and its far-off shadow’.2 We intend to explore the reverberations of the colonial experience across the European continent in the modern period. The image of the shadow, so eloquently invoked by Du Bois, highlights the complexity of the relationship between the European metropole and its hinterland. With its connotations of darkness, distortion and elasticity, the shadow functions as a useful metaphor for the negative and variable impact of colonial practices on Europe. The shadow is intrinsic to the object that projects it in the same way that colonial practices are an intrinsic feature of the mind of the coloniser, whether directed overseas or closer to the metropole.

The End of the "Second Slavery" in the Confederate South and the Great Brigandage in Southern Italy: Some Comparative Suggestions

Between 1861 and 1865, the newly formed Confederate nation and the Kingdom of Italy faced comparable crises of legitimacy, as the South of the former United States and southern Italy underwent the horrific ordeals of the American Civil War and of Italy’s “Great Brigandage”, also in itself a civil war. Even though on different scales and in different ways, the two civil wars affected relationships between the agrarian elites and their slave and peasant workers, leading to the shattering of the “second slavery” in the Confederate South and to a deep crisis in the landowning socio-economic system of southern Italy. Whereas the Confederate nation did not survive the crisis of legitimacy and collapsed under combined military pressure from the Union and internal opposition, the Kingdom of Italy survived the crisis of legitimacy at the cost of strengthening the government’s authoritarian character and of the indiscriminate use of military force.

American Mediterranean: Southern Slaveholders in the Age of Emancipation (review)

acteristics because of U.S. hegemony in the Americas. The Cold War raised the stakes of influence in the geostrategic region and forced the British and the WIF to negotiate with the United States. American control of military bases as well as anticommunist activism made the United States a key, but not uncontested, player in British West Indian decolonization. Trinidad’s Chief Minister Eric Williams, for instance, successfully challenged American determinism and advocated for the sovereignty of the WIF. Parker situates the internal conflicts involved in the WIF – mainly the divisions between “big” and “small” islands – within the larger context of international politics and negotiations. The tensions between local and international interests, he shows, ultimately challenged foreign control in the region. Indeed, Parker highlights that Jamaica’s rejection of the Federation by referendum was key to the demise of the entity; the island’s self-interest proved stronger than both pan-Caribbean nationalism and pressure by the British and American governments. Parker’s research portrays a “protean partnership” between the U.S. and the West Indies based on diplomatic, economic, and cultural factors that were influenced by migration and international Cold War politics. His keen insight into the impact and global significance of this particular relationship suggests the need for similar and comparative research on the other corner of the triangular relationship of “mutual manipulation”: the United Kingdom. How did migration to the colonial metropole influence decolonization and the conceptualization of the federation in Britain? Furthermore, did similar triangular relationships emerge in other Atlantic World connections – for example, between the United States, France, and the French Caribbean? Finally, the specifics of the British Caribbean and decolonization during the Cold War would be enhanced by comparative study of U.S. relationships with independent Caribbean and Latin American nations. What was unique in this decolonization process and what was simply a result of geostrategic positioning? Parker’s research rightfully broadens the study of Cold War decolonization to include peaceful political transitions. His transnational and international perspective highlights the global implications of these trends and events and emphasizes the importance of comparative study of the Third World during the Cold War.