Eric H. Cline
George Washington University
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Journal of the American Oriental Society | 1995
Eric H. Cline
This book looks at the 942 artifacts of foreign origin - from Anatolia, Cyprus, Egypt, Italy, Mesopotamia, and Syro-Palestine - which have been found in the late Bronze Age Aegean area. These objects represent the only group of material in the LBA Aegean that has not disintegrated or disappeared, and as such are unique in providing information about the complex trade networks of the period. Begining with a discussion of trade and transactions in the LBA, Cline then examines the literary and pictorial evidence for international trade and presents a full catalogue of objects with description, origin, and bibliographic references. Three appendices include information on raw materials, problematic objects, and disputed contexts. This information provides a useful database for those studying Aegean and Mediterranean trade.
Antiquity | 2016
Sarah Parcak; David Gathings; Chase Childs; Greg Mumford; Eric H. Cline
Abstract Analysis of satellite imagery covering Egypt between 2002 and 2013 indicates a significant increase in looting and other damage to archaeological sites. Looting escalated dramatically from 2009 with the onset of the global economic crisis, and intensified still further with the Arab Spring in 2011. This was mirrored by an increased volume of Egyptian artefacts sold at auction, suggesting that looting is driven by external demand as well as by internal economic pressures. Satellite analysis can be used to predict the type and period of antiquities entering the market, thereby providing valuable intelligence for international policing of the illicit antiquities trade.
Journal of Field Archaeology | 2008
Assaf Yasur-Landau; Eric H. Cline; George A. Pierce
Abstract During the Middle Bronze Age (MB) II period (ca. 1750–1600 B.C.), Tel Kabri, located in the western Galilee, Israel, was the center of a thriving polity with economic and cultural connections to Egypt, Cyprus, and the Aegean. While Kabri and some neighboring sites have been partially excavated, the rise and fall of the polity has not been clearly understood. We present evidence from the Kabri Archaeological Project (KAP) to reconstruct shifting settlement patterns, demography, and aspects of trade in the Kabri hinterland from MB I to Late Bronze Age (LB) I. We argue that Kabri, in the northern part of the Acco plain, follows a different developmental trajectory than does the site of Acco and its hinterland in the southern part of the plain. Acco was urbanized early in MB I and developed a mature hinterland that persisted throughout MB II and into LB I. Kabri did not begin to bloom until late in the MB I period. Its rapid rise during MB II was accompanied by the abandonment of village sites far from the center of the polity and the fortification of nearby settlements. These efforts to consolidate power and to maintain the flow of goods into the center did not last long, and the polity of Kabri soon collapsed.
PLOS ONE | 2014
Andrew J. Koh; Assaf Yasur-Landau; Eric H. Cline
Scholars have for generations recognized the importance of wine production, distribution, and consumption in relation to second millennium BC palatial complexes in the Mediterranean and Near East. However, direct archaeological evidence has rarely been offered, despite the prominence of ancient viticulture in administrative clay tablets, visual media, and various forms of documentation. Tartaric and syringic acids, along with evidence for resination, have been identified in ancient ceramics, but until now the archaeological contexts behind these sporadic discoveries had been uneven and vague, precluding definitive conclusions about the nature of ancient viticulture. The situation has now changed. During the 2013 excavation season of the Kabri Archaeological Project, a rare opportunity materialized when forty large storage vessels were found in situ in an enclosed room located to the west of the central courtyard within the Middle Bronze Age Canaanite palace. A comprehensive program of organic residue analysis has now revealed that all of the relatively uniform jars contain evidence for wine. Furthermore, the enclosed context inherent to a singular intact wine cellar presented an unprecedented opportunity for a scientifically intensive study, allowing for the detection of subtle differences in the ingredients or additives within similar wine jars of apparently the same vintage. Additives seem to have included honey, storax resin, terebinth resin, cedar oil, cyperus, juniper, and perhaps even mint, myrtle, or cinnamon, all or most of which are attested in the 18th century BC Mari texts from Mesopotamia and the 15th century BC Ebers Papyrus from Egypt. These additives suggest a sophisticated understanding of the botanical landscape and the pharmacopeic skills necessary to produce a complex beverage that balanced preservation, palatability, and psychoactivity. This new study has resulted in insights unachievable in the past, which contribute to a greater understanding not only of ancient viticulture but also of Canaanite palatial economy.
Radiocarbon | 2016
Felix Höflmayer; Assaf Yasur-Landau; Eric H. Cline; Michael Dee; Brita Lorentzen; Simone Riehl
This article presents new radiocarbon evidence from the Middle Bronze Age palatial site of Tel Kabri (Israel). The final phase of the palace (Phase III) can be dated to Middle Bronze Age II, with an end date around the transition from Middle Bronze II to III or very early in Middle Bronze III. According to our 14 C data, the end of Tel Kabri Phase III (and thus the transition from Middle Bronze II to III) can be dated to ~1700 BC. This date is about 50–100 yr earlier than traditional chronological models for the Middle Bronze Age propose (~1650 BC according to the traditional chronology or ~1600 BC according to the low chronology). 14 C data from Tel Kabri thus add additional evidence for a higher Middle Bronze Age chronology for the Levant, consistent with recent 14 C evidence from Tell el-Dab c a (Egypt), Tel Ifshar (Israel), and Tell el-Burak (Lebanon).
Journal of Field Archaeology | 2015
Assaf Yasur-Landau; Eric H. Cline; Andrew J. Koh; David Ben-Shlomo; Nimrod Marom; Alexandra Ratzlaff; Inbal Samet
Here we explore aspects of Canaanite palatial economy through an analysis of finds from the Middle Bronze Age palace at Tel Kabri, a 34 ha site located in the western Galilee of modern day Israel. The palace was founded in the middle part of the MBA I period, and continued without interruption until an advanced part of the MBA II period. Despite the fact that the Kabri palace was vast (perhaps up to 6000 sq m), functioned as the center of a polity, and could commission wall and floor paintings in an Aegean style, there are no signs of literate administration, or even administrative use of sealings. Patterns of animal husbandry, textile production, pottery manufacture and consumption, and storage within the palace all provide evidence that the palace behaved economically much more like an estate than a redistributive center. Our hypothesis is that the palace had aspects of an Oikos economy, i.e., that it functioned as a large household—richer and more populous than other households of the period, but with minimal involvement in the economy of the private sector. This contrasts with the contemporary polities in Syria, such as Alalakh and Ebla, as well as possibly its neighbor to the east, Tel Hazor, which had literate administrations and redistributive economies during this same period.
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research | 2012
Assaf Yasur-Landau; Eric H. Cline; Nurith Goshen; Nimrod Marom; Inbal Samet
During the summer of 2011, a two-room monumental structure was found at the site of Tel Kabri in Israel. Designated as the “Orthostat Building” because of its extensive use of orthostats and paving slabs found still in situ, the location, plan, and architectural features of this building raise questions about its function and relation to the palace of Kabri and its chronological phasing within the palace’s history. The use of orthostats and ashlar paving stones, which is otherwise rather rare in Middle Bronze Age structures in Canaan, calls for a reevaluation of the impact of Syrian and Aegean architecture on the Kabri palace, in view of the already established Aegean influence on the site. The building, with its elaborate interior design and features, was erected at the same time that other great architectural changes took place in the palace of Kabri, including a thickening of the palace walls. These changes, although possibly simply functional, are also suggestive of deliberate choices by the palace elite to exemplify their power to the local population while at the same time attempting to follow the greater Mediterranean trends of their time.
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research | 2014
Nimrod Marom; Assaf Yasur-Landau; Sharon Zuckerman; Eric H. Cline; Amnon Ben-Tor; Guy Bar-Oz
A zooarchaeological investigation of elite precincts from two major Middle Bronze Age sites in the Galilee region of northern Israel, Tel Hazor and Tel Kabri, was conducted with the aim of revealing differences in the animal economy between them. The results indicate that the elites of the polity of Hazor were strict consumers who exerted economic demands on the surrounding hinterlands and relied on specialized sheep herding. In Tel Kabri, by contrast, there is evidence that the Middle Bronze Age palace elites were engaged in locally based pastoral production as well as extensive utilization of diverse habitats around the settlement. These differences are ascribed to micro-regional differences in the hinterlands of the ancient polities. The dyadic relations between the economic and ecological gateway roles of Middle Bronze Age Hazor and Kabri are discussed.
Tel Aviv: Journal of The Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University | 2007
Eric H. Cline; Assaf Yasur-Landau
Abstract In the following article, using both the Amarna letters and the slightly later Egyptian story of Wenamun as comparanda, we suggest that the Uluburun ships cargo may have been comprised of goods ordered, bought and paid for by an Aegean polity. The Uluburun and its cargo, accompanied by two Aegeans, perhaps Mycenaeans, who may have served as the purchasing agents, were probably en route to their Aegean destination when the ship sank; this destination would most likely have been either Kommos on Crete or Tiryns on the Greek mainland, although Mycenae, Thebes, Pylos or Knossos are also possibilities.
Archive | 2014
Eric H. Cline