Etsuko Haryu

Novel Noun and Verb Learning in Chinese‐, English‐, and Japanese‐Speaking Children

When can children speaking Japanese, English, or Chinese map and extend novel nouns and verbs? Across 6 studies, 3- and 5-year-old children in all 3 languages map and extend novel nouns more readily than novel verbs. This finding prevails even in languages like Chinese and Japanese that are assumed to be verb-friendly languages (e.g., T. Tardif, 1996). The results also suggest that the input language uniquely shapes verb learning such that English-speaking children require grammatical support to learn verbs, whereas Chinese children require pragmatic as well as grammatical support. This research bears on how universally shared cognitive factors and language-specific linguistic factors interact in lexical development.

A developmental shift from similar to language-specific strategies in verb acquisition: a comparison of English, Spanish, and Japanese.

The worlds languages draw on a common set of event components for their verb systems. Yet, these components are differentially distributed across languages. At what age do children begin to use language-specific patterns to narrow possible verb meanings? English-, Japanese-, and Spanish-speaking adults, toddlers, and preschoolers were shown videos of an animated star performing a novel manner along a novel path paired with a language-appropriate nonsense verb. They were then asked to extend that verb to either the same manner or the same path as in training. Across languages, toddlers (2- and 2.5-year-olds) revealed a significant preference for interpreting the verb as a path verb. In preschool (3- and 5-year-olds) and adulthood, the participants displayed language-specific patterns of verb construal. These findings illuminate the way in which verb construal comes to reflect the properties of the input language.

Object similarity bootstraps young children to action-based verb extension.

Young children often fail to generalize a novel verb based on sameness of action since they have difficulty focusing on the relational similarity across events while at the same time ignoring the objects that are involved. Study 1, with Japanese-speaking 3- and 4-year-olds (N = 28 in each group), found that similarity of objects involved in action events plays a scaffolding role in childrens extraction of relational similarity across events when they extend a verb. Study 2, with 4-year-olds (N = 47), further showed that repeated experience of action-based verb extension supported by object similarity leads children to be better able to extend a novel verb based on sameness of action, even without support from object similarity.

Preschoolers’ Development of Theory of Mind: The Contribution of Understanding Psychological Causality in Stories

This study investigated the relationship between children’s abilities to understand causal sequences and another’s false belief. In Experiment 1, we tested 3-, 4-, 5-, and 6-year-old children (n = 28, 28, 27, and 27, respectively) using false belief and picture sequencing tasks involving mechanical, behavioral, and psychological causality. Understanding causal sequences in mechanical, behavioral, and psychological stories was related to understanding other’s false beliefs. In Experiment 2, children who failed the initial false belief task (n = 50) were reassessed 5 months later. High scorers in the sequencing of the psychological stories in Experiment 1 were more likely to pass the standard false belief task than were the low scorers. Conversely, understanding causal sequences in the mechanical and behavioral stories in Experiment 1 did not predict passing the false belief task in Experiment 2. Thus, children may understand psychological causality before they are able to use it to understand false beliefs.

Infants predict expressers’ cooperative behavior through facial expressions

This study investigated infants’ ability to use facial expressions to predict the expressers’ subsequent cooperative behavior. To explore this problem, Experiment 1 tested 10- and 14-month-olds (N = 16, respectively) by using a violation-of-expectation procedure. In the experiment, all infants were first familiarized with two models, one with a happy facial expression and the other with an angry expression. They were also familiarized with an event in which a duck puppet tried to open a box but failed. During the test phase, infants in the helping condition saw two test scenes; one in which the happy model helped the duck open the box, and the other in which the angry model helped the duck. Infants in the hindering condition saw a test scene in which the happy model hindered the duck and the other test scene in which the angry model hindered the duck. The results demonstrated that both 10- and 14-month-olds looked longer at the angry model than at the happy model in the helping condition, whereas they looked at the happy model as long as the angry model in the hindering condition. Experiment 2 tested 6-month-olds (N = 16) with a slightly modified procedure and found the same tendency as shown by 10- and 14-month-olds. These results suggest that infants as early as at 6 months do not predict that a person with an angry expression will help others. However at the same time, they do not clearly understand the incongruence between happy expressions and hindering behavior. The results were discussed by referring to a negativity bias and human environment in which infants grow up.