Eugene A. Weinstein

Some dimensions of altercasting.

Altercasting is defined as projecting an identity, to be assumed by other(s) with whom one is in interaction, which is congruent with ones own goals. It is posited as a basic technique of interpersonal control. Rating scales measuring six dimensions of altercasting are devised and provide the raw data for a pilot investigation of the effects of assigned role and of alters feedback on the altercasting process. While assigned role is not salient for college subjects, feedback differentials produce a consistent pattern. When confronted with negative and attacking responses, subjects tend to accord alter evaluative superiority at the task at hand and actively place the mantle of responsibility on his shoulders.

The Redress of Distributive Injustice

Distributive injustice was experimentally induced in a dyad where a stooge claimed a share of credit incommensurate with his contribution to a joint task. Redressive behavior on part of subjects was of two kinds-involving the allocation of rewards in a subsequent work session, and the granting of esteem to the other person. With some exception, the tendency was for beneficiaries of injustice to be more extreme in redress than were its victims. Females, individuals high in Machiavellianism, and those high in Need for Approval did not redress in reward allocation when victimized. Those low in Machiavellianism redressed more when they were victims.

Generality of Willingness To Take Risks.

Intercorrelations were computed among measures of chance risk and interpersonal risk-taking for 120 undergraduate Ss. While low, correlations were in the hypothesized direction, with 6 of 20 exceeding the .05 level. The findings suggest some generality of willingness to take risks over both the material and interpersonal areas.

Family Identification of Foster Children

these different strategies have not been formalized into anything approaching theories of treatment. Finally, the typology approach would have value in creating treatment programs based upon empirical evidence. With an empirical typology, propositions about treatment linked to etiological knowledge could be made with more certainty than at present. Even now, a typology could lead to tentative suggestions regarding strategies of treatment. These statements in turn could be subjected to test, so that an empirical brand of corrections might develop. Even in preliminary and tentative form, a typology provides a clearer way of thinking about treatment policies than the treatment theory discussed earlier.