Eugenio Salvati

Populism and Euroscepticism in the Italian Five Star Movement

The Italian Five Star Movement (FSM) is one of the most interesting political phenomena in contemporary Europe. On one hand, this populist anti-establishment party has expressed a critical, albeit ambiguous, position on the European Union and the euro. In particular, the FSM’s euroscepticism became apparent during the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections. On the other hand, analysis of the voting behaviour in the EP shows that the Movement differs from the ‘hard’ eurosceptic UKIP, its main ally in the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) grouping, and is often closer to the pro-EU parties, in particular the Green group. Overall, the FSM’s euroscepticism is more strategic than ideological.

Social planning and local welfare. The experience of the Italian area social plan

ABSTRACT This article analyses the Italian experience of planning and governance in local welfare systems, after the adoption of a specific planning instrument called the ‘Piano di Zona’ (Area Social Plan), which has reached its sixth triennial review. Our goal is to explore the relationship between governance and performance by examining under which circumstances the social planning is successful, that is one Area Social Plan is preferable to another. Our research is based on the empirical observation of the nine Area Social Plans in the Province of Pavia which involves 188 municipalities. Our results demonstrate the fundamental role of public administrations and the negative effects that horizontal multi-level forms of governance may have on the planning of the Area Social Plan, almost as though there were a sort of path dependence from previous/pre-existing governance relationships.

Eurosceptic, Eurocritical or Euroconfused? An analysis of the Five Star Movement’s voting behaviour in the European Parliament

ABSTRACT After two years of presence within the European Parliament (EP), is it possible to define the Five Star Movement (M5S) position regarding the European Union? Are these stances similar or different from the rhetoric used by the party leadership about EU? And which are the parties in the EP with which it shares similar policy positions? As a matter of fact, there is a certain confusion in defining Grillo’s Movement position about European integration. The aim of the article is to enquire whether the M5S is taking political stances similar to those of Eurosceptic (and right wing) parties or if it is showing a different inclination, more similar to those assumed by pro Europe or Euro critical parties of the left and the new left. To accomplish this task, the article will take into consideration the M5S’ voting behaviour within the EP on several policy areas which are salient for the European Union policy making. The first part of the article will be focused on the explanation of the M5S’s growth and to the review of the concept of Euroscepticism. In the last part the M5S’s votes concerning the policies related to the pro/anti integration, GAL/TAN and Left/Right cleavages, will be compared to the ones expressed by the Eurosceptic and leftist parties within the EP, to understand with which group there is the highest agreement rate. Thanks to the evidence produced it will be possible to define: (a) to which part of the EP political spectrum the M5S is closer, (b) provide a first in depth and descriptive analysis of the M5S’ political behaviour within the supranational arena.

Book Review: John FitzGibbon, Benjamin Leruth and Nick Startin (eds), Euroscepticism as a Transnational and Pan-European Phenomenon: The Emergence of a New Sphere of OppositionEuroscepticism as a Transnational and Pan-European Phenomenon: The Emergence of a New Sphere of Opposition by FitzGibbonJohnLeruthBenjaminStartinNick (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2016. 198pp., £90.00 (h/b), ISBN 9781138917651

This volume, edited by John FitzGibbon, Benjamin Leruth and Nick Startin, tackles a relevant topic for current studies concerning European integration: the strengthening of Euroscepticism. The book considers how transnational and Pan-European Euroscepticism is strengthening, and shifts the analysis of the phenomenon away from the classical areas of study in this field, which is the impact of Euroscepticism on parties and the analysis of citizens’ attitudinal data. Moving away from the narrower paradigm of national party systems, the authors try to explain the functioning dynamic of transnational Euroscepticism, and in order to accomplish this task, the volume studies this phenomenon along several different lines. The book is divided into 10 chapters which deal with new specific topics about Euroscepticism. Chapter 1 presents a framework for the analysis of transnational Euroscepticism, while chapters 2–4 focus on Pan-European Euroscepticism within the European Parliament (EP) with regard to parties on both the right and the left. Chapter 6 is devoted to the analysis of transnational social movements, and the seventh chapter focuses on transnational groups opposing the transatlantic trade and investment partnership (TTIP) – the proposed trade agreement between the EU and the US. Chapter 8 is devoted to referendum campaigns; chapter 9 studies the attention paid by the media to Eurosceptic Members of the European Parliament (MEPs); and the last chapter reflects on how transnational Euroscepticism may be related to religious groups. The importance of this book is because of the new approach used to study Euroscepticism, which can be summarised within two main concepts: (1) Euroscepticism is a mainstream phenomenon, no longer relegated to niche parties and which affects all European societies (and this makes it a real transnational phenomenon); and (2) it is a constitutive political element of the integration process. The great strength of the book’s authors is their ability to delineate these elements with straightforward empirical analysis which corroborates the important theoretical insights. Furthermore, the chapters show the reader how a Eurosceptic network is currently in formation, and how this connection may be part of a broader, even if embryonic, European public sphere. Another key element of the volume is its ability to gather together different aspects concerning Euroscepticism (the role of the media, social groups, etc.) that were previously analysed separately, and which before this attempt were not used to provide a complete and coordinated snapshot of this new and pervasive phenomenon. Euroscepticism as a Transnational and Pan-European Phenomenon provides European integration scholars with a picture of the transnational and Pan-European antiintegration movement which is challenging the EU and has produced the first and most complete form of politicisation of the EU sphere, even though the goal is to disrupt the Union itself. This book is strongly recommended to scholars of European integration and Euroscepticism.

Book Review: Shane Martin, Thomas Saalfeld and Kaare W. Strøm (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Legislative StudiesThe Oxford Handbook of Legislative Studies by MartinShaneSaalfeldThomasStrømKaare W. (eds). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. 761pp., £95.00 (h/b), ISBN 9780199653010

for the politics of hegemony or ‘the people’, where antagonism, programmatic unity and the populist seizure of institutional power are key. That today it is the latter politics in the form of political parties such as SYRIZA and Podemos who headline the news – organisations that, in many ways, crystallised out of the aforementioned horizontal protests – symbolises the multitude/people debate in its material, practical form. The book seeks to think through the key propositions underlying these two alternative ways of democratic mobilisation and enacting social transformation, addressing the questions they raise about contemporary emancipatory politics. It does so, for the most part, via an engagement with the previously noted recent examples of collective mobilisation, and the innovative practices and logics they present. The introduction that frames the contributions is perfect, including an excellent piece of intellectual scene-setting that briefly outlines some of the key interventions in the debate (by Rancière, Laclau, Hardt and Negri, etc.) and then linking these to the ‘new interventions’ contained within the volume itself. In this manner, Kioupkiolis and Katsambekis do a sterling job of making sure readers have the basic background they will need with the subsequent chapters, which include contributions from authors such as Jodi Dean, Saul Newman and Yannis Stavrakakis. The book itself has no conclusion, deliberately rejecting putative final verdicts and instead emphasising the vital role of theory and the necessity that it be receptive to change, and ready for revision. I recommend it highly: the project undertaken here and the rigorousness of the chapters assembled make this an important and insightful intervention in a key debate in contemporary political theory and praxis.

Book Review: Luciano Bardi, Stefano Bartolini and Alexander H Trechsel (eds), The Role of Parties in Twenty-First Century Politics: Responsive and Responsible?The Role of Parties in Twenty-First Century Politics: Responsive and Responsible? by BardiLucianoBartoliniStefanoTrechselAlexander H (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2015. 240pp., £85.00 (h/b), ISBN 978-1138845428

Globalisation also increases inequality by privileging global market institutions through their control of media, trade and investment, labour migration, interdependence, sociopolitical networks, international organisations (World Bank, IMF, WTO) and multinational corporations. Protest movements, nonetheless, can provide countervailing pressure against the sources of inequality when solidarity, low deference, high efficacy and demand for fair treatment exceed elite constraints. Examples of this are found in egalitarian social movements in China, India, Latin America, Western Europe and the United States. More generally, equality depends on how the interaction between capitalism and democracy favours distributive over procedural rights, Keynesianism over neoliberalism, and popular participation over elite privilege. Finally, that the resource mobilisation perspective explains why Keynesian programmes further fairer allocations whereas neoliberal policies heighten income disparities should give it a role in policy making. This well-written study of economic policy and income distribution is a valuable addition to the literature on inequality. While the overall argument is consistent with other recent studies finding the causes of inequality in a one-sided concentration of power, the resource mobilisation approach facilitates the author’s detailed and systematic overviews illuminating just how the shift from Keynesian to neoliberal policies has led to mounting inequality. Combining an invaluable survey of the literature and synopses of classic literature to prefigure chapter themes, Andrain provides an effective exposition of his findings that makes the book interesting and accessible.

Book Review: William T Daniel, Career Behaviour and the European Parliament: All Roads Lead Through Brussels?Career Behaviour and the European Parliament: All Roads Lead Through Brussels? by DanielWilliam T. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. 178pp., £50.00 (h/b), ISBN 9780198716402

German, Italian and Austrian constitutional courts. The book starts off by setting the theoretical framework and foundations of abstract judicial review (chapter 1). Chapter 2 goes on to trace developments in abstract judicial review proceedings in Germany, Italy and Austria from 1980 to 2010 and concludes that significant changes in decision-making patterns as well as in the position and make-up of the courts have occurred. After analysing the five theories that are traditionally deployed to explain court behaviour (chapter 3), chapter 4 concludes that the aforementioned changes are attributed to the interaction with the EU legal order. Chapters 5 and 6 place these observations in the context of a two-stage judicial Europeanisation. This exposition benefits political scientists, jurists, sociologists and statisticians alike. Corkin’s research addresses a gap in empirically researched literature on the influence of EU law in the area of abstract judicial review. Corkin deploys ample empirical data (including statistical information and interviews with constitutional court judges), the results of which are captured in graphs. Corkin’s research is conditioned by a thorough comparative analysis of the German, Italian and Austrian constitutional courts, their judgements and functions, as well as a comparison between the realities under constitutional courts in the EU and the US Supreme Court. Her approach is truly multidisciplinary: it is based on a combination of empirical research, historical analysis, legal theory and legal philosophy. From a methodological point of view, Corkin lays out the research questions of her analysis at the outset of each chapter in the book. From a substantive perspective, however, although Corkin’s review succeeds in establishing a change in the decision-making pattern of constitutional courts, this does not capture in a sufficiently concrete fashion the way in which informal references to European ‘values’ or ‘obligations’ influence the substance of the constitutional courts’ rulings. Therefore, albeit original and interesting, the substance of the analysis remains to some extent thin and the character of the relevant conclusions rather high level.

Parliaments and Citizens by Cristina Leston-Bandeira (ed.). Abingdon : Routledge , 2013 . 272pp., £85.00, ISBN 978-0-415-58969-7

these questions. Italy, for example, has extraterritorial constituencies, and organises elections by post, while parties can and do organise campaigns among expats. Mexico, however, limits voting rights to those with a valid voting identity card, thereby potentially restricting their impact on home elections. This in-depth analysis also shows how external voting is pushed by some domestic political actors and resisted by others, with the resulting legislation an unavoidable compromise. Inevitably, there are international consequences (interestingly, Canada has attempted to ban other countries from running election campaigns on its territory). This is a complex area, involving multiple actors, interests, countries, types of legislation and motivations. It is not always evident that the states empowering their expats know themselves to whom they are extending such rights. Lafleur is to be congratulated for this welcome research. It has extended knowledge considerably in this field. If there is one complaint, it is that this work has been published in a series on transnationalism. While it fits very well there, it deserves a much wider political science readership because these issues – voting rights, political loyalties, citizenship and electoral design – go to the heart of the discipline.

Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures by Magnus Blomgren and Olivier Rozenberg (eds). Abingdon: Routledge, 2012. 244pp., £75.00, ISBN 9780415575683

and Rueda, who explores whether advanced welfare states remain powerful buffers between unemployment and poverty (the short answer is ‘no’). Unfortunately there is no overarching theoretical perspective guiding the volume. That is too bad, since it results in a lack of connection between the contributions and makes it difficult for the reader to take away clear or general lessons from otherwise interesting (but perhaps also soon outdated?) analyses of the crisis.

European Parliament Elections after Eastern Enlargement by Hermann Schmitt (ed.). Abingdon: Routledge, 2012. 168pp., £24.95, ISBN 978 0 415 50948 0

the European Union has incorporated change into its institutional nature. This book provides a well-supported argument for the assessment of the European Union’s strength in overall governance. For European policy researchers, the argument that the EU has developed a unique form of governing is one that is currently dominating the debate on European policy issues. However, for students of general policy studies, the issues presented in the book may be slightly unwarranted in their analysis. It lacks an explanation of emerging arguments in governance, and perhaps an explanation of what good governance entails. By explaining the context in which the argument takes place, the book would be stronger as a defence of good European governance. However, the case studies presented display a clear evolution in the institutional nature of the European Union. For students of European studies, this book presents several case studies that warrant further investigation, specifically in showing the extent to which the evolution in governance has occurred in the EU.