Eva Anduiza

Mobilization through online social networks: the political protest of the indignados in Spain

The 15M demonstration (the origin of the indignados movement in Spain and the seed of the occupy mobilizations) presents some outstanding characteristics that defy the established principles of the collective action paradigm. This article develops some observable implications of the concept of connective action and tests them against the case of the 15M demonstration. Cases of self-organized connective action networks are expected to be different from traditional collective action cases with regard to the characteristics of the organizations involved, the prevalent mobilization channels and the characteristics of participants. Based on a comparative analysis of data gathered from participants and organizations in nine demonstrations held in Spain between 2010 and 2011, relevant and significant differences were found in the characteristics of the 15M staging organizations (recently created, without formal membership and mainly online presence), the main mobilization channels (personal contact and online social networks rather than co-members or broadcast media), and participants (younger, more educated and less politically involved). These findings help to understand the large turnout figures of this movement and have important implications for the mobilization potential of social networks, particularly as it can affect the political participation of the less-involved citizens.

Turning a Blind Eye Experimental Evidence of Partisan Bias in Attitudes Toward Corruption

This article considers how partisanship conditions attitudes toward corruption. Stirred by the puzzle of why corruption does not seem to have the electoral consequences we would expect, it explores whether party supporters are more tolerant toward corruption cases when they affect their own party. The partisan-bias hypothesis is confirmed by a survey experiment carried out in Spain, a country where a number of corruption scandals have been recently visible. The results show that the same offense is judged differently depending on whether the responsible politician is a member of the respondent’s party, of unknown partisan affiliation, or of a rival party. Furthermore, the degree of partisan bias depends on political sophistication. This suggests that although partisanship may induce tolerance to same-party corruption practices, the partisan bias disappears when political awareness is high.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND THE INTERNET: A field essay

The aim of this paper is to review the main questions dealt with by the literature on the effect of Internet on political participation. The paper distinguishes three relevant aspects: the estimation of the impact of Internet on the levels and types of political participation; the analysis of the causal mechanisms that lie behind the relationship between Internet use and participation; and the effect of the Internet on participatory inequalities. We conclude by identifying the aspects on which there is a relative consensus among scholars, the debates surrounding controversial conclusions obtained from different empirical analyses, and those questions where further research seems particularly necessary.

Online Political Participation in Spain: The Impact of Traditional and Internet Resources

This article examines how traditional and Internet resources are related to three online modes of political participation (contact, donation, and petition) in Spain. Using a Heckman selection model, we find that traditional resources are more important in predicting access to the Internet than online participation. Among Internet users, traditional resources are irrelevant for predicting participation, while online resources are important to understanding who participates online. We also find that the effects of resources are not the same for all modes of participation and that some characteristics of the political system may shape the effects of resources on online participation.

Decentralization and voter turnout

With this paper we study the impact of decentralization on turnout. We test the hypotheses that decentralization increases turnout in subnational elections, lowers participation in national elections, and reduces the gap between regional and national arenas. A comparative cross-national analysis does not show any significant effect of decentralization on turnout in national elections. But we take a closer look at two countries, Canada and Spain, where fiscal decentralization has taken place during the past decades. In both countries the empirical evidence suggests that decentralization has contributed to reducing the turnout gap between regional and national elections.

Why do voters forgive corrupt mayors? Implicit exchange, credibility of information and clean alternatives

ABSTRACT Corruption cases have limited electoral consequences in many countries. Why do voters often fail to punish corrupt politicians at the polls? Previous research has focused on the role of lack of information, weak institutions and partisanship in explaining this phenomenon. In this paper, we propose three micro-mechanisms that can help understand why voters support corrupt mayors even in contexts with high information and strong institutions: implicit exchange (good performance can make up for corruption), credibility of information (accusations from opposition parties are not credible) and the lack of credible alternatives (the belief that all politicians are corrupt). We test these mechanisms using three survey experiments conducted in Catalonia. Our results suggest that implicit exchange and credibility of information help explain voters’ support for corrupt politicians.

Economic Crisis, Populist Attitudes, and the Birth of Podemos in Spain

The chapter analyses the consequences of the economic recession in Spain for the development of populist attitudes and the appearance of a left-wing populist party, Podemos. In the first section, we contextualise the Spanish case and we show that Podemos’ voters are the ones that hold highest levels of populist attitudes. In the second section, we analyse economic and political correlates of populist attitudes among the citizenry. We show that income, sociotropic evaluations of the national economy, political sophistication, being left-wing oriented, and not being close to the incumbent are positively related to populist attitudes. In the last section, we use populist attitudes to explain vote choice and show that Podemos was the party most affected by these attitudes in the 2015 election.

Political Efficacy and Confidence among Migrants

Attitudes are fundamental aspects of migrants’ relation to the political system where they live. Do they consider themselves able to understand and influence political decisions, or do they feel politics in their country of residence is not their business? Do migrants think that the political system is sensitive to their demands, or do they feel they can’t really have a say? Do they trust the political institutions of the country where they live? It would be hard to argue that these are not crucial elements of the degree of migrants’ political incorporation into their countries of residence.