Fanny Meunier

Neural responses to morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of single words: an fMRI study.

Dissociations in the recognition of specific classes of words have been documented in brain-injured populations. These include deficits in the recognition and production of morphologically complex words as well as impairments specific to particular syntactic classes such as verbs. However, functional imaging evidence for distinctions among the neural systems underlying these dissociations has been inconclusive. We explored the neural systems involved in processing different word classes in a functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging study, contrasting four groups of words co-varying morphological complexity (simple, monomorphemic words vs complex derived or inflected words) and syntactic class (verbs vs nouns/adjectives). Subtraction of word from letter string processing showed activation in left frontal and temporal lobe regions consistent with prior studies of visual word processing. No differences were observed for morphologically complex and simple words, despite adequate power to detect stimulus specific effects. A region of posterior left middle temporal gyrus showed significantly increased activation for verbs. Post hoc analyses showed that this elevated activation could also be related to semantic properties of the stimulus items (verbs have stronger action associations than nouns, and action association is correlated with activation). Results suggest that semantic as well as syntactic factors should be considered when assessing the neural systems involved in single word comprehension.

Perception of resyllabification in French.

MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit, Cambridge, England In three experiments, we examined the effects of phonological resyllabification processes on the perception of French speech. Enchainment involves the resyllabification of a word-final consonant across a syllable boundary (e.g., inchaque avion, the /k/ crosses the syllable boundary to become syllableinitial). Liaison involves a further process of realization of alatent consonant, alongside resyllabification (e.g., the /t/ inpetit avion). If the syllable is a dominant unit of perception in French (Mehler, Dommergues, Frauenfelder, & Segui, 1981), these processes should cause problems for recognition of the following word. A cross-modal priming experiment showed no cost attached to either type of resyllabification in terms of reduced activation of the following word. Furthermore, word- and sequencemonitoring experiments again showed no cost and suggested that the recognition of vowel-initial words may be facilitated when they are preceded by a word that had undergone resyllabification through enchainment or liaison. We examine the sources of information that could underpin facilitation and propose a refinement of the syllable’s role in the perception of French speech.

Regularity and irregularity in French verbal inflection

Can regular and irregular verb forms be accommodated by a single representational mechanism or is a dual mechanism account required? In a first experiment, we used a cross-modal repetition priming paradigm to investigate the mental representation of regular and irregular verb forms in French. Participants heard a spoken prime (such as aimons, ‘we love’) immediately followed by lexical decision to a visual probe (such as aimer, ‘to love’). We contrasted four types of French verbs, varying in the regularity and degree of allomorphy of their verb form inflection. These were (i) fully regular verbs (aimons/aimer, ‘we love/to love’) (ii) regular verbs that undergo minor and phonologically predictable allomorphic changes (sèment/semer, ‘they sow/to sow’) (iii) irregular verbs exhibiting subregularities (peignent/peindre, ‘they paint/to paint’) and (iv) irregular verbs with idiosyncratic alternations (vont/aller, ‘they go/to go’). The infinitive forms of these verbs were presented as targets in three prime conditions, preceded either by a regular form, an allomorphic form (except for the fuller regular verbs), or an unrelated prime. Morphologically related primes significantly facilitated lexical decision responses for all four verb classes, irrespective of regularity and allomorphy. The same pattern of results was observed in a second experiment using a masked priming paradigm. These results contrasted with English, where regularly inflected verbs prime their stems but irregular verbs do not. We argue that this reflects cross-linguistic differences in the morphophonological decomposability of French irregular forms, and that the current results enable us to deconfound regularity/irregularity distinctions from language-specific morphophonological differences.