Felia Allum

Explaining organized crime in Europe: Are economists always right?

Over the last 35 years, the acclaimed American political economist, Thomas C. Schelling, has asserted his belief that organized crime is purely monopoly enterprise. His definition of the phenomenon remains highly influential and continues to form the basis of many definitions of organized crime today. This article outlines Schellings economic definition of organized crime and then applies it to an analysis of the major organized crime groups operating in the states of the European Union. It concludes that a purely economic definition is inadequate to define organized crime in Europe in the twenty-first century and that, in order to understand the phenomenon fully, other variables need to be introduced and appreciated.

Revisiting Naples: clientelism and organized crime

Abstract Naples and the Campania region have always been labelled one of the heartlands of corruption, clientelism and organized crime. All of which polluted the local economy, civil society and politics. The ‘tangentopoli’ crisis of 1993–94 marked an important turning point: the direct election of Antonio Bassolino as mayor of Naples was intended to introduce a new form of leadership and a rebirth for the city/region, but 12 years on, how much has really changed? This article will examine the Bassolino legacy and the state of organized crime to see whether there has been any fundamental change.

Mafie del Nord, Strategie criminali e contesti locali

Italian mafias are present in Europe but howmuch we actually know about their presence is the great unknown. Experiences in the north of Italy, Germany, Canada, the USA, and Australia, among others, would suggest that they are criminal organizations that are highly flexible, adaptable, violent, and profit-driven. Perhaps Sciarrone’s recent edited volume, Mafie del Nord, Strategie criminali e contesti locali might enlighten us and help us understand what they are doing abroad. Rocco Sciarrone, Professor of Sociology at the University of Turin, has once again coordinated an impressive research project on Italian mafias. This time his team focuses on the manifestations of Italian mafias out of their territory of origin, specifically in the non-traditional mafia regions of central-northern Italy (Lazio, Lombardy, Piedmont, Liguria, Emilia Romagna, Tuscany, and Venetia). It was a real pleasure to read this book, which I would recommend to anyone interested in Italian mafias, but a warning: it tells a good story presenting some high quality empirical research within a sophisticated and solid theoretical framework. The last fifteen years have witnessed a vibrant production of academic research and practitioner interest on the question of criminal mobility (see Morselli, Turcotte, and Tenti 2011) and, in particular, the movement of Italian mafias around Italy, Europe, and the world. From Varese’s ‘property rights’ theory of Mafia emergence (2011) and Campana’s ‘functional diversification’ theory (2011) to TRANSCRIME’s report and maps of ‘Italian Mafias’ investments in Europe’ (2013), the Osservatorio sulla Criminalità Organizzata’s trimestral reports on ‘the Mafias’ presence in the North of Italy’ (2014) and Europol’s Italian Organised Crime Threat Assessment (2013), there now exists an abundance of theoretical explanations and awareness of the Italian mafias in Italy and how they move to the north of the country and Europe. But are we any the wiser? For a long time, it was automatically assumed that Italian mafias were ‘territorial animals’ and that they would have great difficulty and no interest in moving away from their home territory, as this was their main source of power, income, and recognition. However, recent evidence has proved that Mafias are more than territorial; they are also ‘extra territorial’ because they are also interested in other territories but for different reasons. Indeed, if you think about it, and as one Antimafia judge rightly pointed out, ‘it is not surprising that the ’Ndrangheta moves elsewhere, to non-traditional territories, because in Calabria, there is very little for them and few opportunities to make serious money’ (Interview, Antimafia Judge, DDA, Procura di Napoli, Naples, December 2014). In his 1998 book Mafie Vecchie, Mafie Nuove, radicamento ed espansione (Rome: Donzelli), Sciarrone was one of the first researchers to ask the question: why and how do mafias move out of their territory of origin? He sought to understand the mechanisms of reproduction of mafia groups in specific contexts to see whether there were patterns, similarities, and differences. For this he compared the Calabrian ’Ndrangheta’s presence in three different contexts: (1) in Piana di Gioia Tauro in Calabria (a traditional mafia territory); (2) in Puglia (a bordering region with a recent mafia history); and (3) in Piedmont (a distant region and non-mafia territory). His theoretical framework is based on the notion of ‘social capital’, whereby a mafia boss is a boss thanks to the social capital he has outside of his criminal group: ‘the mafia’s power is also a result of its capacity to network’ (p. 47). The social capital lens is the Book reviews

Understanding criminal mobility: the case of the Neapolitan Camorra

Italian mafias are now present and active abroad, and many national legal economies are undermined by their activities. The American government responded to this threat in 2011 by introducing an ‘executive order’ that blacklisted the Camorras (the Neapolitan mafia) activities in the United States. Recently, there has been a growing debate on criminal mobility and, in particular, why, when and how Italian mafiosi move out of their territory of origin and expand into new foreign territories. Recent literature suggests that Italian mafias change their behaviour across territories and will succeed in ‘transplanting’ when there are emerging new markets. This article examines some brief case studies of camorristi in Europe to discuss these concepts of mafia mobility; and it concludes by suggesting that there is no ‘one size fits all’ analysis and that more attention should be paid to the interdependence of territories.

United we stand? Conceptual diversity in the EU strategy against organized crime

Abstract The construction of the EU’s area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) has been established around a few common issues of concern. One important pillar is migration, asylum, visa policy and external border control. Another pillar is that of judicial cooperation in criminal as well as in civil matters. The control of transnational organized crime and terrorism through enhanced police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters forms a fundamental field within the AFSJ. This article focuses on the challenges for the EU as a policy actor to create a common concept of organized crime as a basis for a coherent commitment from the member states.

Parties and Personalities: The Case of Antonio Bassolino, Former Mayor of Naples

Naples provides an interesting example of the backlash against traditional political parties and of the personalization of politics which has been taking place in Italy since the early 1990s. A Communist Party (PCI) apparachik, Antonio Bassolino, emerged between November 1993 and May 2000 as a charismatic leader and a dynamic mayor carrying through the so-called ‘Bassolino Revolution’ to change the city fundamentally. He became the ‘most popular mayor in Italy’ (Calise, 2000b: 544) and established his own style of governing, ‘the Bassolino model’ (Macry, in Il Corriere del Mezzogiorno of 16 July 2000: 1). For nine months, between October 1998 and June 1999, he was both mayor and Minister of Labour, something unique in Italian politics. At the end of May 2000, he left the town hall for good on being elected President of the Campania Region: 55 per cent of Neapolitans thought that he had done a good job as mayor but only 21 per cent had confidence in him as President of the Region (IPR opinion poll in Il Corriere del Mezzogiorno of 18 June 2000: 5). This suggests that the ‘Bassolino experiment’ may have run its course in Naples, so we can now assess its significance and ask to what extent the phenomenon of personalization of politics at local level is the result of the institutional rules provided by the recent local government reforms (1990–99) and to what extent it is the result of one politician’s charisma. Also, what legacy has it left behind? The hypothesis which we wish to test in this article is that, in the case of Bassolino, the recent local government reforms of the 1990s (in particular, law 81/93) introduced a new form of leadership, a new style of governing

Godfathers, dark glasses, and pasta: Discussing British perceptions of Italian Mafias

This article seeks to discuss British perceptions of Italian Mafias, in par-ticular, those of the academic world, the press and the police. It does not enter into the debate about the definitions of organised crime and Italian Mafias, but draws out their perceptions in the UK. It would appear that the perceptions of Italian Mafias still remain the traditional ones, produced mainly by films, TV series and popular novels. This is a worrying sign because it means that it becomes difficult to see what Italian Mafias are really doing in Europe and the UK.

Silvio Berlusconi and his 'toxic' touch

No previous analyses have really managed to explain the dynamics of the Berlusconi leadership and his relationship with his followers. By analysing Berlusconis leadership in detail and, in particular, by using notions of ‘toxic leadership’ and ‘bad leader’, this article seeks to explain (1) Berlusconis motivations and how he came to power; (2) the impact and nature of his leadership and re-elections; (3) the possible explanations and implications for Italy and elsewhere.

Padrini, occhiali scuri e pasta:percezioni inglesi delle mafie italiane

Con il presente articolo viene esaminata la percezione sociale che gli inglesi e, in particolare, il mondo accademico, la stampa e la polizia di oltremanica hanno delle mafie italiane. Non si entrera, quindi, nel dibattito sulla definizione di criminalita organizzata e sulla distinzione tra la mafia ed altre organizzazioni, bensi si intende descrivere unicamente la percezione di questo complesso fenomeno nel Regno Unito. Sembrerebbe che queste percezioni siano ancora oggi quelle tradizionali dell’immaginario collettivo, legate soprattutto ai film, alle serie TV ed ai romanzi popolari sulla mafia. Questo, tuttavia, e un segnale preoccupante perche fa comprendere che il pericolo legato all’espansione delle mafie italiane in Europa e nel Regno Unito non e avvertito come un concreto rischio sociale.

Tuff City, Urban Change and Contested Space in Central Naples / The Art of Making Do in Naples

(p. 51). Some greater thought to this point would have been of assistance to illustrate better the contours of Rossellini’s anti-orientalist operation. In the fifth chapter, Caminati reviews Rossellini’s occasional documentaries and is careful to gather their most interesting moments. Unfortunately, here too we find some repetition, omissions and signs of lack of communication between the various parts of the text. By way of example, I limit myself to citing the analysis of the documentary Idea di un’isola, in which the theme of false personal identity is introduced (p. 110), only to be abandoned almost at once to pass on to the theme of art forgery, thus disorienting the reader; the documentary, in fact, does not make mention of false identity (the scene in question is 7’50” into the documentary). Besides, the analysis overlooks the ‘time of waiting and introspection’ that Marco Bertozzi, in the book’s Introduction indicates as the essential characteristic of this documentary. To have noted this would have accosted the work to the documentary on the Centre Pompidou and the work on India, showing how Rossellini, even in his commissioned documentaries hardly deviated from his style of cinema of thought. Reading this volume, to offer some last words, is at times frustrating: despite the successful parts, there are far too many inexact or wrong citations, analyses left half done, imprecisions, errors and lexical choices that are often misleading. It is going too far to say, then, that Caminati’s book, in the editorial form in which it has been published, represents a solid volume of reference for Rossellini’s documentaries. A new edition, revised and corrected, could though make the best of those ingredients that could turn the book as it stands at present into such a volume. Translated from Italian by David Ward