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Political Research Quarterly | 1973
Francis D. Wormuth
prive the Huguenots of a philosophical justification of resistance. In every state, according to the Republic, whether monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, there is a sovereign power which contains all governmental powers, the power to make and unmake human laws. The sovereign is subject to the laws of God and nature, but if he defies them no subject has a right to resist, and no magistrate has a right to disobey, although he may in some circumstances resign. The sovereign has no right to change the loix royales, which govern succession to the throne; he may not alienate the royal domain; he is bound by his contracts; he may not confiscate property, or tax without the consent of the Three Estates.
Political Research Quarterly | 1970
Francis D. Wormuth
the problems remain the same, the approach given them by the new President ought to be at center stage. This book is really a record of Lyndon Johnson’s time of troubles, a chronicle of the hopes and frustrations of the Great Society. A 1965 article on the presidency showed L.B. J. at the peak of his powers, before his image as statesman was overwhelmed by that of partisan. Among the fourteen chapters
Political Research Quarterly | 1970
Francis D. Wormuth
Both the legal order (the courts) and the political order (the party system) have failed us. Neither has permitted a challenge to the Vietnam war. Opposition has therefore expressed itself outside these institutions. Apparently in the hope that if the most prominent opponents of the war were penalized the rest would be silenced, the Department of Justice on January 5, 1968, obtained an indictment of the venerable pediatrician, Dr. Spock, the Yale chaplain, William Coffin, Jr. an
Political Research Quarterly | 1969
Francis D. Wormuth
underdog (Goldwater). These findings are consistent with what they term the &dquo;law of minimal consequences.&dquo; This &dquo;law&dquo; is a re-statement of the familiar proposition that the closer election time, the greater the proportion of the electorate who have made up their minds how to vote and the less the probability that large numbers will change. The absence of any reduction in the rate of voting among those sampled is explained in terms of the symbolic significance of casting a ballot. Voting is more than simply the indication of a partisan choice; it emphasizes ones commitment to the democratic process. As such, the intention to vote is highly resistant to change. The researchers, however, repeatedly emphasize the idiographic nature of elections and the consequent specificity of their findings. They suggest that the
Political Research Quarterly | 1963
Francis D. Wormuth
The Hungarian experience confirms the now-familiar thesis that revolutionary action originates not with the most disadvantaged groups of the population, but instead with those who feel frustrated precisely because they are partly privileged. So it was with the intellectual and the student groups, the first who dared to engage in open rebellion: both were nurtured and subsidized by the regime, but being thus privileged they felt most acutely the betrayal of their expectations and the debasement of their integrity. In a lesser way this applied as well to the industrial workers, who enjoyed little or no actual privilege but for whom the party do~ctrine promised lavish rewards and a dominant role: once the revolt got under way, the workers rushed into the front ranks with all their weapons blazing. Inversely, those groups among the masses who enjoyed the least status or security remained quiescent. At bottom, the underlying aim of the Hungarian revolt, so far as popular sentiment was concerned, was not to achieve internal reform so much as it was to put an end to the Soviet occupation. This was Nagy’s aim as well, but his gesture came too late to yield him support by that time the revolutionary movement had already proclaimed its national independence, and the Soviet tanks were poised to move in. In his concluding two chapters the author undertakes a thumbnail compari, son of the Hungarion revolt wit hthe contemporary uprisings in Czechoslovakia, Poland, and East Germany. The variations in each case come out more prominently than do the parallels: no consistent pattern of revolution can be discerned,
Political Research Quarterly | 1963
Francis D. Wormuth
Sumner use the terms &dquo;labor union member,&dquo; &dquo;right to work,&dquo; &dquo;union boss,&dquo; or &dquo;checked off.&dquo; Indeed Sumner’s point is to the contrary: the Forgotten Man is &dquo;the only one for which there is no provision in the great scramble and the big divide&dquo; of entrepreneurs. Since Sumner wrote organized labor has, of course, become an established institution in American society. This book is a jumble of misleading and incorrect statements and soaring conjectures. For example, Campaigne alleges that in the vote for the protracted Kohler strike the UAW had a &dquo;2.5 percent majority&dquo;: the vote was 1,254 to 104 for the strike. Reuther’s program for &dquo;500 planes a day,&dquo; says Campaigne, was &dquo;rejected at once&dquo;: actually, it was adopted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. With TaftHartley, he charges, &dquo;labor leaders just ignored the law&dquo;: he presents no evidence to
Political Research Quarterly | 1960
Francis D. Wormuth
ethnic conflict. The massive demand for social equalitarian reform and the popular anti-Semitism so reminiscent of coeval Populism in America reflected the protest of poor and anxious people in an Old-World melting pot. Hitler could observe the failure of politics based solely on anti-Semitism as advocated by Schbnerer; he could see the success of a program advocating reform and antiSemitism simultaneously, under the leadership of Mayor Lueger. By changing the basis for damning Jews from Lueger’s economic competition to Schonerer’s racial pollution, Hitler had found the black pigment from which he outlined his Welt-bild. When he left Vienna to observe and participate in the carnage of war, he added the red second pigment for his picture of the world and saw
Political Research Quarterly | 1958
Francis D. Wormuth
mon. However, he should differentiate between the nature of the decisionmaking process, in which consensus is usually the keynote, and the nature of political decisions which have often been harsh and extreme, as evidenced by the Tokugawa policy of exclusion. Moreover, in the recent past even the decision-making process, at least on the national level, has been assuming more extreme proportions, as evidenced by occasions of physical violence in the Diet Chamber. Furthermore, in suggesting &dquo;assimilativeness&dquo; as a Japanese characteristic, Yanaga declares that &dquo;nothing which the Japanese borrowed from abroad remained in its original form.&dquo; To a large extent this may be true, as evidenced by the changes made in the T’ang Penal Codes (702) when they were adopted. However, his strong statement implies that the Japanese never really copied but merely received suggestions ; but such an idea cannot be maintained when one considers the nearly wholesale borrowing of such things as Chinese Buddhist architecture, and in more recent times, the frequent duplication of scientific contrivances. Such &dquo;pitfalls&dquo; in generalities can hardly be avoided entirely, and by and large Yanaga avoids them. His work should be very useful for the specialist, the layman, and the student of government who may be considering ways to analyze political science in the light of other social science disciplines.
Political Research Quarterly | 1949
Francis D. Wormuth
This new casebook offers a well arranged and judiciously apportioned selection of cases, most of them recent. The indispensable landmarks are retained, but some teachers will miss classic decisions like Parble’s Case and Johnson v. Maryland, as well as cases of historical significance such as Hammer v. Dagenhart. The new cases are well chosen for illustrating contemporary law, but this objective inevitably. calls for the sacrifice of a developmental approach. The notes do not adequately supply such an approach. But no book can be everything, and this one admirably achieves the editor’s aim. A considerable blemish is the fact that the table of contents does not list the opinions printed; for these one must turn to the alphabetical table of cases.
Political Research Quarterly | 1949
Francis D. Wormuth
D URING the First World War it was usual for the Allies to represent their cause as that of democracy, which was defined as the free and spontaneous movement of the human spirit, unfettered by logic. Germany, on the other hand, stood for machine-like regularity and cold, calculating rationality. Henri Bergson and Gustav LeBon grew quite eloquent on this theme. During the Second War, the roles were reversed. This time Germany was the country of blind instinct and wild emotional surges, moving in a kind of somnambulism and thinking with its blood. The West stood for reason and logic, for an ordered view of life in conformity with permanent rational values. In defiance of all respectable historiography, the United Nations were made the heirs of the cool and tranquil culture of Rome, with Christian universalism added, whereas Germany represented the survival of the frenetic barbarism of the Nordic pagans. Even the boundary line was supplied: it was the Wall of Limes in southern Germany, which marked the farthest outpost of permanent Roman settlement. Now that the Third War is in the offing, the boundary line has been changed, but the protagonists remain much the same. The Wall of Limes has moved to the Elbe, a shift which makes naturalized democrats of the Germans, who a short time ago were regarded as the mortal foes of democracy. On the west bank of the Elbe today stands Christian democracy, a sort of Joan of Arc, the champion of reason and natural law, while atheistic Bolshevism, foe of this two-millenial culture, glowers from the east bank. The reader can document this picture from his daily paper. There is nothing new or out of the way about this. The Incas, before conquering an adjoining people, used always to spread the story that their enemies were cannibals and deserved what they were about to get. What the Incas said may or may not have been true, but it is certain that the current representation of the East-West dispute is false. The idea of a unified Christendom with a common heritage was always a myth, and the myth itself was shattered at the Reformation. Democracy, again, is the product of the spiritual individualism and the secular rationalism which replaced the theocratic conception of a law of nature of the middle ages, and is altogether inconsistent with that conception. Ten years ago no one would have had the face to talk the kind of history that is now current.
