G. Nooteboom

Why the Madurese? Ethnic conflict in West and East Kalimantan compared

Around the recent turn of the century, violent clashes between Madurese and other ethnic groups took place in the provinces of West and Central Kalimantan. At least 1200 Madurese were killed, with several hundred thousands internally displaced. However, in the provinces of South and East Kalimantan, which also have Madurese minorities, such eruptions of violence did not occur. To reach a better understanding of the background, conditions and causes of such ethnic violence, we have compared the relationships between the Madurese and other population groups in conflict-ridden West Kalimantan and conflictfree East Kalimantan. The comparison shows that there are significant dissimilarities between the two regions with regard to the ethnic composition of the population, cultural attitudes, access to natural resources and political competition. Together with the negative characteristics attributed to the Madurese by other groups, these can largely explain why this minority, during the recent regime change, became the target of the frustrations and aspirations of others in the western part of Kalimantan but not in the eastern part.

Changing water quality in the Middle Mahakam Lakes: Water quality trends in a context of rapid deforestation, mining and palm oil plantation development in Indonesia's Middle Mahakam Wetlands

The degradation of Indonesia’s wetlands is continuing at a rapid pace. People living in the Middle Mahakam Lakes (MML) region, part of a major wetland area in Indonesia, have observed various negative changes in their local environment, especially with regard to water quality. We verify these local perceptions with the support of water quality measurements (physical and chemical) taken in 1992–93, 1995, 1998 and 2006. We also aim to present data that can be used to determine future trends. We evaluated the water quality of the MML by comparing the 2006 measurements with data reported for similar water systems in Kalimantan and with water quality standards in the USA, and set by the World Bank, Australia, Malaysia and South Africa. Measurements show that the water quality of the MML improved considerably between 1998 and 2006 but there seems to be a delicate balance between the pH value and the levels of oxygen, nutrients and hydrogen sulphide. The low alkalinity values indicate that the system is prone to pH changes, which could be triggered by an increased input of acids, as a consequence of deforestation, mining activities or the drainage of peat lands, effects already occurring in one of the lakes.

Forgotten people: poverty, risk and social security in Indonesia: the case of the Madurese

In Forgotten People Gerben Nooteboom describes and analyses the livelihoods and social security of peasants and migrant Madurese. It offers a new way to categorise and analyse livelihood security of marginal people in Indonesia by using the concept of style.

Against 'Green Development Fantasies': Resource Degradation and the Lack of Community Resistance in the Middle Mahakam Wetlands, East Kalimantan, Indonesia

In the middle Mahakam wetlands, East Kalimantan, local populations are hit hard by ecological deterioration in the form of degraded water quality, floods, depletion of fish stocks, and increasing sedimentation and aquatic weeds. In the short term, resources such as fish and wood are being depleted, while unpredictable floods and droughts cause insecurities and lengthy periods without earnings. In the longer term, resource depletion and water pollution threaten villagers’ health. Some of these environmental problems are produced by the fishing communities themselves but most are caused by outside actors, such as logging and mining companies and oil palm plantations. This article raises the question of why local fishing communities do not resist against outside actors and seeks to explain why they are unable to protect and manage their environment in a sustainable way. It challenges ‘green development fantasies’ and optimistic approaches which put primary faith in the capacity of local communities to manage their resources. We show instead that local communities are often unable to challenge and resist environmental changes. We explain this out of a lack of: (1) a clear enemy or a clear focus of opposition; (2) a single and relatively homogeneous community or shared ethnic identity; (3) strong leadership; and (4) the involvement of brokers with the outside world. In this article, optimistic ideas about the ability of local communities to benefit from, or protect, their ‘locality of value’ are seriously challenged.

Sweet and bitter: trajectories of sugar cane investments in Northern Luzon, the Philippines, and Aceh, Indonesia, 2006-13

This chapter aims to understand the complex process of investment and land deal making through the in-depth study of three cases of sugar cane investment in the Philippines and Indonesia. It focuses on three different trajectories of sugar cane schemes—one in northern Luzon, the Philippines, and two in Aceh, Indonesia. By means of a processual approach, the chapter identifies critical junctures—defined as crucial moments of dealmaking and interactions in which relations among actors are renegotiated—at which the investments took decisive turns. These are the collaboration of investors and bureaucratic cooperation between different levels of government; control of the development agenda; land deal making and control over land; control of labour; and curbing resistance. The chapter thus shows that investments in sugar cane and bioethanol—which often involve land deals—usually turn out differently than originally envisaged. Implementation problems arise due to the competing strategies and interests of investors, government departments, workers, landowners, and brokers, and due to specific historical and institutional constellations. Therefore, it can be argued that the implementation of investment schemes cannot simply be understood as the implementation of a contract or an already-planned programme; it should rather be understood as a constant process of negotiation and adaptation. In such a context, the identification of critical junctures is crucial for the conduct of monitoring activities and the adoption of adaptive policies during land deal processes.

Living dangerously: Oplosan, gambling and competition as everyday risk-taking in Java and East Kalimantan Indonesia

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to challenge the idea that poor people are generally risk averse and that risks are predominately created by structural conditions and outside forces (Wisner et al., 2004, p. 11; Cardona, 2004, p. 39). It aims to show that some categories of poor people regularly take risks and that they can have good reasons for that. For people living at the edge of Indonesian society, taking risks on a regular basis has become something normal. The possibility that people can actively involve themselves in risky practices needs to be taken into account in risk assessments by government and civil society. Design/methodology/approach – The material presented in this paper has been collected during long, intermittent periods of ethnographic fieldwork in East Java and East Kalimantan between 1999 and 2014. The data were mostly collected “at the side” of research on poverty, social security, social welfare and livelihood security. It also makes use of a case study on oplosan in Pati, Central Java, written by Frans Husken, of newspaper reports, online sources, talks with police officers and online news items. Findings – In many of the current day risk studies, livelihood risks of the poor are perceived as “externally induced” resulting from outside influences such as disasters, living at dangerous places or as resulting from structural factors such as social and economic inequality. Little attention has been paid to poor and vulnerable people who actively take risks themselves and the reasons to do this. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Java and East Kalimantan, Indonesia, in this paper some risky practices of poor (young) people are explored. Examples are several forms of extreme risk-taking such as drinking parties with potent or even poisonous mixtures (oplosan), gambling and competition (often referred to as trek-trekan). Originality/value – So far, little attention has been paid to the fact that people often actively involve in risks and deliberately may opt for risky lifestyles and opt to live in risky environments as this offers opportunities for poor people to gain money, prestige and jobs otherwise not accessible.