Gary Clyde Hufbauer
Peterson Institute for International Economics
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Archive | 2009
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Jeffrey J. Schott
It is commonplace to note the proliferation of customs unions (CUs), free trade agreements (FTAs) and kindred arrangements, often collectively called preferential trade agreements (PTAs). In fact, the number of agreements concluded between 2000 and 2007 (185) is just under half the number of agreements concluded during the twentieth century (374). These figures can be found in table 1. In addition to a chronological summary, table 1 provides a breakdown of PTAs by region. Countries in Europe (not including the Former Soviet Union) have concluded the most agreements (232) to date. Countries in the Americas have concluded the second most agreements (166). If we consider the Asia-Pacific region (Americas, East and South Asia, and Oceania) as a unit, the total number of concluded agreements (234) matches that of Europe.
Archive | 2005
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Yee Wong
Frustrated with lackluster momentum in the WTO Doha Round and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, and mindful of free trade agreement (FTA) networks centered on the United States and Europe, Asian countries have joined the FTA game. By 2005, Asian countries (excluding China) had ratified 14 bilateral and regional FTAs and had negotiated but not implemented another seven. Asian nations are also actively negotiating some 23 bilateral and regional FTAs, many with non-Asian partners, including Australia, Canada, Chile, the European Union, India, and Qatar. China has been particularly active since 2000. It has completed three bilateral FTAs—Thailand in 2003 and Hong Kong and Macao in 2004—and is initiating another 17 bilateral and regional FTAs. However, a regional Asian economic bloc led by China seems distant, even though China accounts for about 30 percent of regional GDP. As in Europe and the Western Hemisphere, many Asian countries are pursuing FTAs with countries outside the region. On present evidence, the FTA process embraced with some enthusiasm in Asia, Europe, and the Western Hemisphere more closely resembles fingers reaching idiosyncratically around the globe rather than politico-economic blocs centered respectively on Beijing, Brussels, and Washington.
The World Economy | 2006
Scott C. Bradford; Paul L. E. Grieco; Gary Clyde Hufbauer
This article summarizes the economic payoff to the United States from its postwar trade opening and estimates the potential future gains from more opening going forward. To quantify these gains, we survey different methodologies and estimates. We find that trade opening since World War II has added between
Archive | 2001
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Barbara Kotschwar; John Wilson
800 billion to
Asian Economic Policy Review | 2010
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Jisun Kim
1.4 trillion to the US economy, or about
The World Economy | 2002
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Barbara Kotschwar; John Wilson
7,000 to
Economics : the Open-Access, Open-Assessment e-Journal | 2009
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Jisun Kim
13,000 per household. More speculative estimates of the potential additional gains from removing the rest of US trade barriers range from
Archive | 2008
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Matthew B. Adler
400 billion to
PS Political Science & Politics | 1985
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Jeffrey J. Schott
1.3 trillion, or about
The International Trade Journal | 2013
Gary Clyde Hufbauer; Cathleen Cimino
4,000 to