Gary Prevost

The undermining of the Sandinista Revolution

Acknowledgements - Notes on the Contributors - Introduction - The Status of the Sandinista Revolutionary Project G.Prevost - Democracy Derailed the 1990 Elections and After H.E.Vanden - Structural Adjustment and Resistance: The Political Economy of Nicaragua under Chamorro R.Stahler-Sholk - Nicaraguas Transition of State Power: through Feminist Lenses C.C.Metoyer - The Grass-Roots Organizations in Nicaragua P.M.LaRamee & E.G.Polakoff - Index

Cuba and Nicaragua: A Special Relationship?

The question of the relationship between the governments of Cuba and Nicaragua and their respective ruling parties has become a highly politicized part of the ongoing debate over the Central American policy of the United States. This article will seek to examine that highly charged exchange and explore through historical analysis and an assessment of the current situation the actual nature of that relationship. The article will document the origins of the cooperation between Cuba and the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN) in the early 1960s, the shifts in their relationship over time, the role of Cuba at the time of the Sandinista triumph in 1979, and the nature of their relations during the nearly 11 years that the FSLN has held state power in Nicaragua. The FSLN was founded in July 1961 under the combined leadership of Tomas Borge, Carlos Fonseca, and Silvio Mayorga. Its founding had its roots in the long struggle against the Somoza family dynasty and the domination of the country by North American political and economic interests.1 The Frente took its name from Augusto Sandino, the legendary Nicaraguan guerrilla fighter who fought a seven-year war against the U.S. Marines and the Nicaraguan National Guard until his assassination in 1934.2 The founding of the FSLN in 1961 definitely had its main roots in the wars of Sandino and the subsequent struggles against the dictatorship, particularly the assassination of the elder Somoza in 1956 by Rigoberto L6pez. In that sense the FSLN was and is today a strongly nationalistic movement. However, there was another important component to the birth of the FSLN and that was the triumph of Fidel Castros 26th of July Movement in Cuba two years earlier. Like the FSLN, the 26th of July Movement was primarily a nationalist organization. It fought to rid Cuba of a hated dictator, Batista, and to end

The evolution of the African National Congress in power: From revolutionaries to social democrats?

Abstract This research on the African National Congress (ANC) is done in the context of the question of what happens when a revolutionary, rebel movement succeeds in taking state power. It is now 12 years since 1994, when, as the result of national elections negotiated with the former National Party (NP) rulers, the ANC took the reins of governmental power. The analysis will place the challenges of the ANC in the context of rebel movements in Latin America that have taken power. Several theoretical questions will be addressed. First, when a revolutionary movement gains power what are the terms of its arrival at power? Is the old order thoroughly defeated or does it retain power in certain sectors? Second, what is the international context of the transition? Does the revolutionary movement have powerful friends or enemies? Third, what is the level of unity within the revolutionary movement? Are there factions with different approaches to the construction of a new society? Fourth, how well does the revolutionary movement, forged in part in clandestine operations, transform itself to democratic norms? Fifth, does the revolutionary movement have sufficient expertise to manage state power? How willing is it to use professionals from the old system and by what means does it control them? Sixth, how flexible is the revolutionary movement in adjusting to a changed environment? Does it alter its ideological stance and if it does what are the dangers to the movement if it strays too far from its long-stated principles?

The Spanish peace movement in a European context

The sharp decline of the Spanish peace movement in the latter part of the 1980s paralleled quite closely the decline of similar movements elsewhere in Western Europe, particularly the United Kingdom and Germany. There has been considerable research carried out into the rise of the ‘new social movements’ in Western Europe but little attention has been given to southern Europe, particularly Spain. Also, most of the literature has focused on the period of ascendancy for these movements rather than the era of their decline in the later 1980s. This article seeks to fill that gap by focusing on the decline of the Spanish peace movement within the wider context of the European ‘new social movements’. It explores the common factors in the European‐wide decline while highlighting certain factors that were unique to Spain.

The Nicaraguan revolution-six years after the Sandinista electoral defeat

On 25 April 1990 Violeta Chamorro assumed the presidency of Nicaragua, two months after her National Opposition Union (UNO) coalition scored a decisive electoral victory ending 11 years of rule by the revolutionary Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). The backers of President Chamorro both inside and outside of Nicaragua expected her administration to move quickly to dismantle the revolutionary projects of the Sandinistas. This article will give an assessment of Nicaraguan society based on the questions: what gains of the Sandinista revolution have been overturned by the Chamorro administration and what gains have been protected by the Sandinistas and their supporters. Additionally, it will analyse the current relationship of political forces within Nicaragua with an eye toward the prospects for social change in the coming years.

Contesting Free Trade

The effort to unite the economies of the western hemisphere into a single free trade agreement was initiated at the Summit of the Americas in Miami in 1994. The timetable established was for completion of the agreement by 2005. This article analyzes the efforts that have arisen over the last six years in opposition to the proposed Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA). Opposition coming from both governments in Latin America and civil society throughout the hemisphere have threatened to derail the whole process. This article details the political arguments that have been mounted against the FTAA and also provides an analysis of the myriad tactics employed by the anti-FTAA movement.

The Status of the Sandinista Revolutionary Project

On 25 April 1990, Violeta Chamorro assumed the presidency of Nicaragua, two months after her National Opposition Union (UNO) coalition scored a decisive electoral victory ending 11 years of rule by the revolutionary Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). The backers of President Chamorro, both inside and outside Nicaragua, expected her administration to move quickly to dismantle the revolutionary projects of the Sandinistas. This chapter will give an assessment of Nicaraguan society based on the questions: what gains of the Sandinista revolution have been overturned by the Chamorro administration and what gains have been protected by the Sandinistas and their supporters. Additionally, it will analyse the current relationship of political forces within Nicaragua with an eye towards the prospects for social change in the coming years.1

The Role of the Sandinista Revolution in the Process of Democratization in Nicaragua

This article explores the question of the development of democracy in Nicaragua with emphasis on the period from 1979 to the present. The primary focus is on the role of democracy within the framework of the Sandinista revolution including the 11 years of FSLN state power and the last four years during which the Sandinistas have been the primary opposition party. It is the primary contention of the article that a profound democratization of Nicaragua began with the rise of the FSLN to power in 1979. It also asserts that while democratization has not been definitely reversed during the conservative rule of Chamorro it has been weakened. The papers primary conclusions run directly against those who argue that Nicaraguan process of democratization began only with the assumption of power of the UNO coalition in April 1990.

The Free Trade Area of the Americas in the Context of U.S.-Latin American Relations

The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) is an international trade agreement that aims to eliminate the remaining barriers to the free flow of money, goods, and services across borders in the Western hemisphere (excluding Cuba) to create one large, open, and integrated market. The FTAA falls within the wider free trade and free markets approach promoted by the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) to be part of a solution to poverty and inequality. In reality, the rules and practices of liberalized trade are designed primarily to create a stable and profitable environment for corporations and investors. Like other previous economic integration projects, the primary backers are the business community and the politicians over whom they have the most influence. Not surprisingly, the opponents of the FTAA can be found among groups concerned with labor rights, human rights, the environment, and indigenous concerns. The authors detail how the administration of George W. Bush succeeded in overcoming opposition to the FTAA within the U.S. Congress by regaining “fast track” negotiating authority in the wake of the September 11 attacks on the United States. In the process of gaining that authority the United States placed renewed pressure on the Latin American nations to complete the FTAA by its scheduled start date of 2005.

Change and continuity in the Spanish labour movement

This article assesses the current state of the Spanish trade union movement. More specifically it examines the results of the 1978, 1980 and 1982 union elections and explores changes occurring within the Spanish working class. It seeks to explain the overall strength and combativity of the Spanish working class as measured by available sociological data and the political events of the past three years. It also analyses the current relationship between the major working‐class parties, the PCE and the PSOE, and the two major trade union federations, Workers’ Commissions (CCOO) and General Workers Union (UGT).