Geoffrey D. Dunn

Rhetoric and Tertullian's de Virginibus Velandis

Tertullians de Virginibus Velandis is not simply a somewhat neglected ascetic treatise but a rhetorical treatise about asceticism. The use of classical rhetoric as a modern interpretative tool for early Christian literature is common, although, as witnessed in an article recentlyin this journal, not without its critics. In this deliberative treatise Tertullian argued from Scripture (3.5c-6.3), natural law (7.1-8.4) and Christian discipline (9.1-15.3) that from puberty Christian female virgins ought to be veiled when in public. The custom of some Carthaginian virginsnot being veiled when the church gathered was attacked as being contrary to the truth. What we find is Tertullians overwhelming concern for fidelity to the regula fidei . The presence of a well-developed rhetorical structure in de Virginibus Velandis is an argument for datingit after de Oratione , where Tertullian made some similar points, though in a less cohesive and more rudimentary manner.

Tertullian's Scriptural Exegesis in de praescriptione haereticorum

Tertullians de praescriptione haereticorum is one of his most important treatises with regard to the exegesis of Scripture. However, the hermeneutical principles he presented in it were not part of a systematic and theoretical overview. They were specific to one context: what it was that could distinguish proper from heretical use of the Scriptures. For Tertullian, one could judge the validity of a scriptural interpretation by its conformity with the regula fidei. A rhetorical reading of de praescriptione haereticorum will reveal much about the way in which Tertullian approached the Scriptures and will confirm the contextual nature of the arguments within it.

The White Crown of Works: Cyprian's Early Pastoral Ministry of Almsgiving in Carthage

In a letter from Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in the middle of the third century, written while he was in hiding during the Decian persecution to the imprisoned confessors in Carthage, there is mention of two crowns, two colors and two flowers. The letter can be dated to the middle of April 250. Cyprian wanted to console those in prison that they would not be failures if they failed to be martyred. Those who were not martyred could receive equal renown through their confession as those who were martyred. As much as martyrdom was highly prized among African Christians, Cyprian wanted to assure the imprisoned confessors that it was not the only way to please God. In the past ( ante ), in a time undoubtedly before persecution, one could be clad in white for good works, just as now one could be clad in crimson for martyrdom. For those who were not going to die a martyrs death and win the crimson crown for suffering or the flower of warfare, Cyprian seemed to say that the confession of their faith could now be counted as a good work for which the reward was the white crown or the flower of peace.

Infected Sheep and Diseased Cattle, or the Pure and Holy Flock: Cyprian's Pastoral Care of Virgins

Virgins were held in high regard in the North African churches of the third century. Much can be learned about how Cyprian of Carthage operated as bishop by examining his pastoral care of virgins. An analysis of every reference to virgins in his writings reveals that he considered ecclesiastical discipline particularly important for them in that they lived as symbols of the purity of the Church itself. De habitu uirginum, written in Cyprians earliest years as bishop, indicates an uncompromising stance: those virgins who indulged in an excessive beauty regime were infected and diseased, and a contagion to the rest of the community. They had to be cut off from the Church. Several years later, after the Decian persecution, we find in Epistula 4 a more lenient Cyprian: virgins who had not been sexually intimate with the men with whom they had lived could be readmitted to communion. In the years from 251, penance rather than excommunication became the way for Cyprian to cure those infections which threatened the purity of the Church for all those who submitted to his authority.

The Universal Spread of Christianity as a Rhetorical Argument in Tertullian's adversus Iudaeos

One of the arguments used in Tertullians adversus Iudaeos is that the universal spread of Christianity is proof that Gods promise of all nations coming to faith has been fulfilled. This paper investigates the three instances in the treatise and draws conclusions with regard to the works rhetorical structure (and therefore its integrity and authenticity as a work by Tertullian) and Tertullians use of Scripture. The position taken here is that the second half of the treatise is authentically Tertullians, even though it has come down to us only in a draft, unrevised form. The first appearance of the argument about the universal spread of Christianity in chapter 7 disrupts the structure the author had announced, while that in chapter 14 seems not to be by Tertullian for it is a misinterpretation of what is found when the argument appears in chapter 12.

Episcopal crisis management in late antique Gaul : The example of exsuperius of Toulouse

Abstract In the first quarter of the fifth century the provinces of Gaul experienced their most dramatic shakeup since Julius Caesar, with the Rhine crossing of Vandals, Suebi and Alans, the retaliation from Roman forces in Britain under the usurper Constantine III, and the establishment of the Visigothic kingdom of Toulouse under Wallia in 418. Exsuperius was bishop in Toulouse throughout much of this time. Most of what we know about him comes from the challenges that confronted him. Not only did he face the crisis of hostile forces besieging his city, but he faced internal ones as well, with famine resulting from the siege and, at an earlier time, dissent being expressed to the asceticism and Christian discipline he promoted. While famine and theological dissent were regular features of what bishops had to deal with, responding to a siege was not something most bishops in previous generations had experienced. This article investigates how Exsuperius responded to these crises of varying magnitudes and argues that, although he is reported by Jerome as being solely responsible for averting the external threat, he was probably part of a team of negotiators, and that, with regard to the internal threat, he allied himself with Innocent I, the Roman bishop. The literary encounter between Toulouse and Rome in Innocent’s Epistula 6 reinforced Innocent’s position as the leading Western bishop, as well as offered support to Exsuperius in dealing with the crisis he faced.

The Church of Rome as a Court of Appeal in the Early Fifth Century: The Evidence of Innocent I and the Illyrian Churches

In the early years of the fifth century a significant step in the development of the Roman Churchs claim to a universal jurisdiction was taken as it clarified its relationship with the Churches of Eastern Illyricum. Among the letters of Innocent i, bishop of Rome from 402 to 417, there are a half dozen addressed to the churches within that prefecture, politically now in the East but ecclesiastically still looking to Rome. Yet the authority exercised by the Roman bishop was not all-encompassing, being restricted primarily to judicial matters. This article considers Innocents epistula xviii, written to a group of Macedonian bishops, headed by Rufus, bishop of Thessaloniki, Innocents vicar, in which Rome acts as a court of appeal in the matter of Bubalius and Taurian. What is fascinating is the role that forgery played in the appeal process. It is argued that the evidence should be considered in its own historical context and not in the light of later ecclesiological understandings.

The validity of marriage in cases of captivity : The letter of innocent I to probus

This paper explores Epistula 36 of Innocent I, bishop of Rome in the first quarter of the fifth century, one of the earliest known ecclesial decisions on the validity of a marriage, which was upheld in this instance. By asking questions about the relationship of the recipient of the letter to the parties involved, why Innocent intervened, and the civil implications of a spousal abduction by a foreign enemy we gain insight into a crucial stage of the Christianisation of marriage. It is argued that Innocent wrote to Probus probably because he was personally connected with the couple, that Innocent rejected the Roman law on the dissolution of marriage due to abduction and enslavement, and that his decision, which had only ecclesial and not civil effect, marks an important moment in church-state relations. The reference to divorce should be taken as a simple statement that this Roman practice was not relevant here as it was not a case of the Matthean exception.

Cyprian and women in a time of persecution

Cyprian believed that the maintenance of ecclesial disciplina was the prime responsibility of a bishops pastoral ministry, particularly in a time of persecution when peoples loyalty was under threat. Throughout his episcopate Cyprian ministered to women as well as men who experienced persecution. Not only was he attempting to secure socio-political support through patronage for his position as bishop but he was applying the prescriptions of the Gospels. He praised women who remained faithful as role models for others, instructed and encouraged them in their perseverance and aided them in their need. Women who lapsed were dealt with according to ecclesial disciplina no differently than were the men who lapsed. While lay women and men had their own share in pastoral ministry, the issue of what to do with lapsed Christians raised the question of the extent to which a bishops responsibilities were primary. In some letters not by Cyprian we sense not only a greater degree of familiarity with lay people but less of a concern with the importance of disciplina. In response to a recent paper in this JOURNAL by Allen Brent, it is argued here that a close reading of these non-Cyprianic letters in the corpus reveals that the male and female confessors who wanted the lapsed to be reconciled did not consider themselves to be presbyters who could reconcile but thought of themselves as confessors with the right to tell the bishop of those whom he was to reconcile.

Cyprian and his collegae: Patronage and the episcopal synod of 252

The Roman patron-client relationship has been useful for understanding early Christian bishops and their relationships with their own communities. In this paper the question is asked whether that relationship could shed light on the relationships among bishops themselves. Taking the third-century Saint Cyprian of Carthage as the example, his interactions with other North African bishops at the synod of 252 are examined. The author accepts that Cyprians Epp. 59 and 64 refer to that synod. Whatever else was discussed, we know that the bishops in synod resolved questions about the status of a former presbyter and the timing of infant baptism. In Ep. 59 Cyprian made reference to the college of bishops (sacerdotum collegium). The heart of the paper examines Cyprians understanding of other bishops as collegae and whether he treated them as clients. The evidence that is available suggests that he accepted bishops who all shared in the same office as being responsible to God alone for their communities, but that his ability to exercise some degree of patronage over them, through his greater prestige and financial base, was a control mechanism by which he sought to keep unity among the African Christian communities.