Gertrude E. Huntington

Fertility patterns and trends among the Old Order Amish.

Summary Using statistics from an Amish census, a survey of couples, and a family genealogy, we examine trends in Old Order Amish fertility during this century. We also examine factors which might explain variations in fertility. We find that Amish fertility has remained high and that there is no evidence of a downward trend. Comparisons with Hutterite fertility show that while marital fertility rates are similar for young women, the rates for older Amish women are much lower than those for older Hutterite women. We find some limited evidence of fertility control among women of high parity and among non-farm wives, but most variation in individual fertility is due to physiological factors, some of which appear to be passed from one generation to the next. We find that the main form of population control among the Old Order Amish is apostasy, and that rates of apostasy have been rising. Finally, we examine the family backgrounds of the leavers.

Physical Activity Profile of Old Order Amish, Mennonite, and Contemporary Children

PURPOSE This study explored the influence of modernity on the physical activity behaviors (e.g., intensity and timing) of children. METHODS Children aged 8-13 yr living a traditional lifestyle (Old Order Amish [OOA], n = 68; Old Order Mennonite [OOM], n = 120) were compared with children living a contemporary lifestyle (rural Saskatchewan [RSK], n = 132; urban Saskatchewan [USK], n = 93). Physical activity was objectively assessed for seven consecutive days using Actigraph 7164 accelerometers. Custom software was used to reduce the raw accelerometer data into standardized outcome variables. RESULTS On weekdays, there were group differences in moderate physical activity between all lifestyle groups (OOA > OOM > USK > RSK). On the weekend, the group differences in moderate physical activity persisted between, but not within, lifestyle groups (OOA = OOM > USK = RSK). During school hours, all groups had similar activity and inactivity periods; however, they differed in magnitude, with the OOA and OOM being both more sedentary and more active. In comparison with the children in school, the OOA and the OOM children had 44% lower sedentary time out of school compared with only 15% lower for RSK and USK children. CONCLUSIONS Although cross sectional, these data suggest that contemporary/modern living is associated with lower levels of moderate- and vigorous-intensity physical activity compared with lifestyles representative of earlier generations. Analyzing the physical activity and inactivity patterns of traditional lifestyle groups such as the OOA and the OOM can provide valuable insight into the quantity and quality of physical activity necessary to promote health.

A note on nursing practices in an American isolate with a high birth rate

Abstract An unusually short interval between successive births in a non-contracepting and breast-feeding population has been reported by Dr. Mindel C. Sheps (Pop. Studies, 19, 1). Nursing practices that might affect the interval between birth and pregnancy are reported here from systematic observations made in the field. Probable factors are: (1) a maternal diet high in calories and in protein; (2) although infants are nursed for many months, each nursing period is short in a busy and highly patterned community schedule; and (3) supplementary feeding is introduced at an early age.

Order Rules the World: Our Children in the Communal Society of the Hutterites

“There are four playhouses, but I’ve only seen three of them and I think this one is the best. They have three girls in it but only two girls own it. They have a dresser, a high chair, a couch, a bed which is somewhat like a couch, a table, a washing basin and a lot of other things. But what I found most interesting was that on their dresser they had some colorless nail polish, and also hidden underneath a little drape of material there were two pairs of high heels…. The playhouse belongs to Barbara (age twelve) who has the keys and to Theresa (age nine) who just went along with her, who does not own a pair of keys but is allowed to go in whenever she wants. They have doll beds and a chest for dolls and a chest for their own clothes, that they use for dress-up. ” This was our nine-year-old daughter reporting into the tape recorder. In the course of the summer, she reported on the changing cliques when the little girls locked one another out of the playhouses and on how the excluded child suffered the loneliness of not being accepted by the peer group. Our daughter described how the school girls put on high heels and talked in loud voices as do “ugly, worldy women. ” She reported when they played doctor--everyone was the doctor, everyone was the patient.