Giorgos Katsambekis

Left-wing populism in the European periphery: the case of SYRIZA

Due to its electoral performance in the 2012 general elections, SYRIZA, a previously unknown Greek political formation of the radical left, gained unprecedented visibility within the European public sphere. How is this strong showing and the political message articulated by SYRIZA to be interpreted? Utilizing a discursive methodology, this paper puts to the test the two assumptions predominating in most available analyses, namely that SYRIZA articulates a populist rhetoric, that it constitutes a predominantly populist force; and, given the near-exclusive association of populism with extreme right-wing movements, that SYRIZA constitutes a populist danger for Europe. Our analysis concludes that SYRIZAs discourse is indeed a distinct articulation of left-wing populism. However, this by no means vindicates the second part of the prevailing wisdom: SYRIZAs portrayal as a dangerous force threatening fundamental European values. If, however, this is the case, then mainstream research orientations in the study of European populism may have to be reviewed.

Extreme right-wing populism in Europe: revisiting a reified association

ABSTRACT Revisiting the trend of identifying populism with extreme right parties, in this paper we aim to problematize such associations within the context of today’s Europe. Drawing on examples from relevant parties in France and the Netherlands, and applying a discourse-theoretical methodology, we test the hypothesis that such parties are better categorized primarily as nationalist and only secondarily – and reluctantly – as ‘populist’. Our hypothesis follows the remarks of scholars who have stressed that the central theme in the discourse of such parties is not the staging of an antagonism between a ‘people’ and an ‘elite’, but rather the opposition of an ethnic community with its alleged dangerous ‘others’. In this context, we propose a discursive methodology able to differentiate between ‘populist’ and ‘nationalist’ (xenophobic, racist, etc.) discourses by locating the core signifiers in each discourse in relation to peripheral ones, as well as by clarifying the nature of the axial antagonisms put forth.

A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary Greek context

ABSTRACT Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

The Populist Surge in Post-Democratic Times: Theoretical and Political Challenges

Populism has often been described as a great challenge and threat to Western democracies. Not surprisingly, at a time in which we are witnessing a significant rise in populist actors in Europe and the US, scientific analyses and commentary regarding populism have become particularly popular and, indeed, necessary. My aim in this article is to offer a brief yet comprehensive overview of the ongoing debates in a bid to problematise the supposed ‘imminent threat’ of populism in light of recent developments within the political systems and societies of established democracies, especially under conditions of crisis. I understand populism as a specific type of discourse, and thus as a way—among others—of doing politics and appealing to groups of people. Thus, I highlight the varying orientations that populist movements might take, depending on the ideological traditions with which they are closely articulated and the sociopolitical environment in which they manifest. Last, I relate the ‘populist surge’ to discussions regarding post-democracy.

Revisiting the Nationalism/Populism Nexus: Lessons from the Greek Case

This article explores the relationship between people and nation by focusing on the Greek case, which has attracted considerable political and media attention throughout the last few years. The article traces the ways in which populism and nationalism have been related within Greek political culture diachronically, inclusive of the current crisis conjuncture. We follow this trajectory from the 1940s and the Greek Civil War up until today in order to capture the unexpectedly dynamic and ambivalent relationship between the two and account for its multiple mutations. The conclusions drawn from this country-specific exploration are expected to have wider implications for populism research internationally.

Radical Left Populism from the Margins to the Mainstream: A Comparison of Syriza and Podemos

In our chapter, we focus our analysis on what we consider the two paradigmatic cases of this new left-wing populism in today’s Europe: Syriza and Podemos. We highlight their discursive strategies and ideologico-political development, as well as the transformations they have undergone since they established themselves as “key players” in the political scenes of Greece and Spain. First, we will briefly clarify our theoretical understanding and methodological approach of populist politics, drawing on the tradition of discourse theory. Second, we will chart the basic similarities and differences among the two aforementioned parties, focusing especially on the way they construct the popular subject (“the people”) and its political enemy (“the establishment,” la casta, etc.). Third, we will try to shed light on the development of these parties as they consolidated their position and came closer to power (Syriza gained power in January 2015, while Podemos has now established itself as the third major party in Spain). Overall, through this comparison we seek to offer constructive insights into the specificities and varieties of left-wing populism in today’s Europe, but also to investigate a rather under-researched aspect of this field, namely the transformation of left-wing populism as it moved from the margins of the political system to the mainstream and from there to power.

Book Review: Stijn van Kessel, Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent?Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent? by van KesselStijn. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. 239pp., £68.00 (h/b), ISBN 9781137414106

to the electorate. The data used allow interesting comparisons between different parliamentary countries, such as the United Kingdom, Germany, New Zealand and a supranational legislative institution: the European Parliament. As the authors demonstrate, parliamentary parties are expected to control messages delivered through speeches, and they deny access to the floor to disloyal members. In parallel, MPs use the speech prerogative in order to communicate policy positions to the party, to members of other parties and to their constituents. The book is oriented towards specialists in legislative studies, and specifically those interested in legislative behaviour and institutions. However, it may also be of interest to general readers concerned about parties and political representation. In sum, this is an important contribution to a new (and growing) research agenda that goes beyond roll call voting.

Book Review: Takis S. Pappas, Populism and Crisis Politics in GreecePopulism and Crisis Politics in Greece by PappasTakis S.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 176pp., £45.00 (h/b), ISBN 9781137410573

rebels by Mussolini’s Italy (80,000 troops) and Hitler’s Germany (35,000 conscripts). As the author recalls, General Franco was more interested in getting armaments rather than men from abroad, as volunteers needed to be expensively billeted and trained for combat. The book offers a meticulous inventory of those fighters, entwining their paths with the history of their homeland and investigating their backgrounds and motives. Unlike the many mercenaries who went to Spain for money, they did so for political and religious reasons. The author observes that for most foreign volunteers, fighting in Spain was a chance to test their anti-Communist and Catholic beliefs (100 Poles; 250 Frenchmen; 8000 Portuguese; a handful of right-wing Britons, White Russians and South Americans), whereas vague and unrealistic aspirations for independence (for the 78,000 Moroccan troops) or political ambitions at home (as in the case of general Eoin O’Duffy, the controversial leader of the 700 members of the Irish Brigade) played only a minor part. Yet the complex existential and political routes of pro-Franco volunteers that Christopher Othen reconstructs (the last chapter of the book, devoted to what happened to survivors in post-war Europe, is particularly interesting in that respect) show that generalisation and clear-cut labels do not help. With the exception of a few oral testimonies and some reference to diaries and memoirs, the book does not draw upon primary sources but is mostly based on published material. Despite the high number of typographical errors and misspelt or even mistaken foreign names (a list too long to provide here), Othen’s work is written in a lively, journalistic style that makes it accessible and entertaining to any reader interested in the topic.

Democratic Extremism in Theory and Practice: All Power to the People by Paul Lucardie. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013. 196pp., £80.00, ISBN 9780415603126

He proposes two general ‘frames’ for analysing the demands of public justifiability: a reasons-for-decisions frame and a coercion frame.The latter contends that it is the use of coercive state action that must be justified, while the former asserts that it is only necessary to justify the reasons offered for political decisions. Lister concludes that the most important distinction between the two is what each entails as the default response to an inability to satisfy the ‘idealized unanimity requirement’ (p. 9) associated with public reason:Whereas the reasonsfor-decisions frame results in the exclusion of all reasonably contestable beliefs from the public deliberation process, inaction (i.e. a refusal to enact the proposed policy/law) is the default position of the coercion frame. Lister argues that the most persuasive justification for using public reason is not, as is commonly asserted, that doing so demonstrates respect for individuals as free and equal moral agents, but that it supports the development and maintenance of ‘civic friendship [and, by extension, political community] despite deep disagreement’ (p. 105). To make his case, Lister surveys and rebuts a number of other justifications offered for the use of public reason, explains why the argument from ‘respect’ is less successful than the ‘civic friendship’ argument with regard to facilitating the realisation of social justice, and uses the issue of same-sex marriage to demonstrate the superiority of the reasons-for-decisions model. Public Reason and Political Community offers an extremely interesting and provocative analysis of a topic whose philosophical and practical importance will only continue to increase. Lister’s argument is certain to stimulate productive debate, and is deserving of widespread engagement both within and beyond the academy.

Book Review: The Americas: Latin American Populism in the Twenty-First Century:

De la Torre and Arnson’s edited volume is one of the most interesting additions to the rich and continuously expanding literature on populism. Their focus is set on contemporary populist movements, political parties and leaders in contemporary Latin America, covering the cases of Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia and Colombia, and drawing interesting comparisons with the ‘classical’ populism(s) of the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s, while devoting enough space to more general contributions and theoretical reflections around populism. Leaving the general theoretical and methodological framework of the volume open for their contributors, they manage to produce an interesting ensemble of diverse approaches to the populist phenomenon, reflecting, in this way, the persistent controversy on the very meaning and significance of ‘populism’ among academics and commentators. The different axes of analysis that one immediately discerns are political economy, institutions, political strategy and discourse. The outcome is a well-balanced critical understanding of Latin American populism in its extreme variability, taking into account its inclusive, egalitarian, redistributive and, in a sense, democratising aspects, while being alert, at the same time, to authoritarian and anti-democratic tendencies that are usually closely linked to very powerful and charismatic individuals. Perhaps one of the few shortcomings of the volume is the way in which the relation between populism and democracy is treated by the editors and some of the contributors since democracy seems to be reduced to its modern liberal variant (see e.g. pp. 5–6 and 20), neglecting other possible conceptions of democracy, or even classic elaborations in democratic theory that challenge the very ‘democratic’ nature of liberal democratic polities themselves (e.g. Dahl’s notion and critique of ‘polyarchy’). This, I’m afraid, is a reductive logic that one finds in many of the current studies on populism and democracy, and especially the ones that focus on European cases; a logic that limits the scope of our understanding of democracy in all its paradoxes and possible articulations. However, De la Torre and Arnson’s reflexive re-reading of the basic arguments of the volume in their concluding chapter remedies this shortcoming, establishing a fruitful internal dialogue within the volume, and it opens the field to new questions and hypotheses for future research. To conclude, this is a book that will be of interest to researchers of Latin American politics and also to those with a more general interest in the investigation of the populist phenomenon in a comparative perspective. Indeed, it is a must-read for both younger students and experienced academics because it manages to combine its informative aspects with concrete and in-depth theoretical and empirical analysis.