Grant Walton

The Ambiguities of "Environmental" Conflict: Insights from the Tolukuma Gold Mine, Papua New Guinea

In this article we propose that environmental conflicts in developing countries are caused not so much by environmental degradation—as suggested in much of the literature on environmental security—but by the unequal distribution of outcomes arising from environmental degradation and the processes that cause it. We then seek to inform this theoretical proposition through a review of research on conflicts surrounding mining in Papua New Guinea (PNG), and through a case study of socioenvironmental impacts of, and local responses to, the Tolukuma Gold Mine (TGM) in PNG. We show that the unequal distribution of environmental impacts and compensation payments caused by the mine has created conflicts between landowners and the mine, and among landowners. These conflicts are at present largely nonviolent. The case broadly supports the proposition that inequality is a critical factor in ostensibly “environmental” conflicts.

Defining Corruption Where the State is Weak: The Case of Papua New Guinea

Abstract Corruption is often defined as the abuse of public office for private gain. This article suggests that this is inadequate for understanding corruption in weak states and presents two broader definitions of the concept. It discusses findings from qualitative and quantitative research conducted in Papua New Guinea in light of these definitions. Respondents – particularly the poor and marginalised – saw corruption as tied to the actions of public officials as well as non-state actors. It is argued that applying broader definitions of corruption could help researchers and policy makers better understand citizens’ concerns about corruption, particularly where the state is weak.

The Limitations of Education for Addressing Corruption: Lessons from Attitudes Towards Reporting in Papua New Guinea

Educated citizens are often considered more likely to report corruption; this belief shapes anti-corruption campaigns. However, we know little about how other factors may interact with education’s impact on willingness to report corruption. This paper examines data from a household survey undertaken in Papua New Guinea. We find that when respondents were better educated and believed corruption would be addressed by the government, they were more willing to report various types of corruption to officials. However, the positive effects of education on willingness to report corruption are significantly diminished when citizens lacked trust that authorities would address corruption.

Fee-free education, decentralisation and the politics of scale in Papua New Guinea

Abstract Policies aimed at both reducing the costs associated with schooling (particularly through fee-free education) and decentralising responsibility for education delivery have become a central part of international education doctrine. This article draws on the ‘politics of scale’ literature to highlight how these education reforms are contested at different scales, in turn leading to uneven administrative and material outcomes. It examines education policy reforms in Papua New Guinea, which have – contra international trends – sidelined non-state actors and strengthened the state’s role in managing education services. National fee-free education policy has been contested at different administrative scales. Church administrators have rallied (without much success) at national directives; subnational administrators and politicians have had greater success, rolling back some aspects of national policy; while local-level schools have employed their own tactics to resist national fee-free education policy. In turn, this case study highlights how fee-free educational policy shapes and is shaped by conflict at multiple administrative scales. The article’s findings have implications for debates about the relationship between fee-free education and decentralisation policies.

The politics of Australian anticorruption policy to Papua New Guinea

By examining Australia’s response to political corruption in Papua New Guinea (PNG) – Australia’s closest neighbor, ex-colony and now largest recipient of Australian aid – the chapter highlights how donors can fail to live up to their policy rhetoric on anticorruption. This failure, it is argued, is a product of the broader diplomatic relationship between Australia and PNG. This results in a tension between donors’ stated goals (anticorruption) and the political realities within which donors operate. It shows that the way that donors negotiate this tension can be central to the effectiveness of their anticorruption efforts, particularly when it comes to political corruption. In the case of PNG, it is argued that political corruption is best fought by those willing to take political risks – risks that donor agencies are often poorly positioned to make.

The Geographies of Collective Action, Principal-Agent Theory and Potential Corruption in Papua New Guinea

Recent theorizing on corruption is split between two approaches: corruption is described as a collective action or principal-agent problem. Insights from political science and geography suggest that these theories are not as bifurcated as some of the literature indicates, as their explanatory power is shaped by place-specific factors. This article draws on observations of administrative and community responses to decentralization policy in Papua New Guinea. Despite efforts of policy makers to institutionalize principal-agent theory inspired systems of government, we argue that state-society relations have meant that the potential for corruption is a part of a collective action problem in some places and a principal-agent problem in others. The applicability of these theories is determined by the degree of alignment between cultural and social values and administrative norms, which have been shaped by historic, political and economic factors. We call for a more nuanced understanding – one that better accounts for spatial difference – of the applicability of these theories beyond the scale of the nation-state.

The Challenges of Providing Free Education in Papua New Guinea

Introduced in 2012, the Tuition Fee Free (TFF) policy has become a flagship policy of the Papua New Guinea (PNG) government. Since 2012, further changes to this policy have been introduced; these changes continue to reduce financial barriers to school attendance and attempt to recentralise control of education funding. What have these policy changes meant for schools, administrators, non-governmental service providers (such as the church), and other key stakeholders? This paper draws on qualitative and quantitative research conducted in 2012 and 2016 in East New Britain and Gulf provinces – the former performs relatively well in delivering services, the latter relatively poorly. Interviews were conducted with education representatives, community members, government and church officials and other stakeholders to assess the impact of PNG’s fourth and most enduring attempt at providing free education. Researchers visited 10 schools, four district administrations and two provincial administrations. The research approach allows for a comparison of progress and regress in these schools between 2012 and 2016. It is argued that while the TFF policy has helped improve access and strengthened school autonomy, recent policy reforms have threatened school-community relations, undermined school quality and weakened conditions for effective service provision. The paper will provide recommendations about how PNG policy makers and others might address some of the challenges.

The impacts of education and institutional trust on citizens’ willingness to report corruption: lessons from Papua New Guinea

ABSTRACT Educated citizens are often considered more likely to report corruption; this belief shapes anti-corruption campaigns. However, we know little about how other factors may interact with education’s impact on willingness to report corruption. This article examines data from a household survey undertaken in Papua New Guinea. We find considerable support for the notion that education encourages a greater willingness to report various types of corruption to officials. While our results indicate that this is especially the case when respondents believe that corruption would be addressed by the government, they also show that secondary and post-secondary levels of education can have a positive impact even among those who do not have much faith in reporting institutions. However, the results also suggest that academics and policy-makers should be sensitive to the way trust in the state impacts educated citizens’ willingness to report different kinds of corruption.

Silent screams and muffled cries

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the key causes of and solutions to corruption in Papua New Guinea (PNG) and suggest ways for improving anti-corruption efforts. Design/methodology/approach – This paper comprises a desk-based review of academic literature, policy documents and media. Findings – Fighting corruption in PNG requires an understanding of and response to local political, historic, cultural and economic issues. In particular, anti-corruption actors need to pay attention to: first, the opportunities and threats associated with state politics; second, the structural conditions that cause citizens to support corruption; third, the role of non-state actors in causing corruption; and fourth, ensuring stronger legal responses to corruption that result in prosecutions. Originality/value – This paper highlights key issues which anti-corruption organisations in PNG should address, examines state and non-state causes of corruption, and provides an updated analysis of key drives and solutio...