H. S. Houthakker

Consumer Demand in the United States

The first € price and the £ and

Are Controls the Answer

price are net prices, subject to local VAT. Prices indicated with * include VAT for books; the €(D) includes 7% for Germany, the €(A) includes 10% for Austria. Prices indicated with ** include VAT for electronic products; 19% for Germany, 20% for Austria. All prices exclusive of carriage charges. Prices and other details are subject to change without notice. All errors and omissions excepted. L.D. Taylor, H.S. Houthakker Consumer Demand in the United States

The Stationarity of Consumer Preferences: Evidence from Twenty Countries

W E shall not know for many months if AVIV~the introduction of direct controls over wages and prices in late 1971 was followed by a significant slowdown in the trend of price and wage increases. Even if inflation will moderate somewhat, as is likely, economists will still be debating for years whether this can be attributed to the controls or whether it is simply the delayed result of considerable slack in the economy. But whatever the outcome of this future academic debate, some form of direct control is likely to be with us for some time. The establishment of direct controls on August 15, 1971 was popular among the public at large and subsequent opinion polls indicate that this program, despite its uncertain performance to date, has not become a political liability. The controls are only likely to be abandoned if they seriously hurt some important pressure group without visible offsetting benefits elsewhere, but this has not happened so far. Although some discontent among West Coast longshoremen gave most of the labor representatives on the Pay Board a pretext for walking out, most union members, and even the departed leaders themselves, are apparently quite willing to live with continued controls. The Price Commission has so far managed to avoid widespread criticism, except on the issue of food prices over which the Commission has only limited jurisdiction. Aside from public reaction, another reason for thinking that controls will not disappear soon is that inflationary pressures are likely to become more intense as the economy comes closer to capacity operation. If there is a case for controls when unemployment is around 6 per cent, it will be even stronger if unemployment drops to a more sustainable level. Unlike the control programs imposed in wartime, the present program has no natural termination point. The view that the present controls will be effective mainly by bringing about a reversal in inflationary psychology is not likely to be substantiated unless inflation can be curtailed much more drastically than official pronouncements suggest. A reduction in the inflation rate from 4 per cent to 3 per cent, while welcome, will scarcely allay widespread apprehension about large budget deficits and rapid monetary expansion. In fact, the belief that sheer psychology, as opposed to expectations based on experience, plays an important role in the inflationary process does not appear to be supported by any evidence. Unless real output can be made to grow at a much higher rate than has so far been achieved, the rapid growth in the money supply combined with the usual lags virtually guarantees the preservation of inflationary pressures well into 1973, if not longer.1 A recent Brookings study (Schultze et al. 1972, especially chapter 13) suggests that the Federal budget will not be a restraining influence either. If this prognosis for controls is correct, the question is what they will actually achieve. Even if attained, the modest reduction in the inflation rate officially set as a goal provides only weak justification for this drastic departure from our generally successful economic traditions. There is some indication that the Pay Board and Price Commission will serve less as a means of curtailing inflation than as watchdogs over big business and big labor. The three-tier classification of business firms by the Price Commission is one indication in this direction, and it has been further reinforced by the recent exemption of most small enterprices from price and wage controls. The Pay Board and the Construction Industry Stabilization Committee already spend most, if not all, of their time on organized labor. There is indeed a case for better supervision of the labor unions. In the last few years we

Income and Price Elasticities in World Trade

It is well-known that the basic theorems on individual demand, usually derived from the utility hypothesis, do not necessarily extend to market demand (Hicks, 1939). Some of these theorems may be lost by aggregation because the distribution of income intervenes. According to Hildenbrand (1983, 1994), however, market demand behaves much like individual demand if the distribution of quantities bought among consumers has greater dispersion at higher levels of income. This type of heteroscedasticity had been detected in cross-section data by Prais and Houthakker (1955). Hildenbrand (1994) provides more extensive evidence from household surveys that the distribution of demand is dispersed in accordance with his assumptions, but he does not analyze market demand as such.