Happy M. Kayuni

Ubuntu and corporate social responsibility: the case of selected Malawian organizations

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to operationalise the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) within the framework of Design/methodology/approach - The paper is a result of a qualitative research study conducted amongst nine sampled Malawian organisations. It utilized a semi-structured interview guide in the collection of data whereby key research questions were exploratory and descriptive in nature. Findings - This paper finds that in the cases under study, the concept of CSR is being applied within the framework of Research limitations/implications - CSR does not operate in a vacuum. Its application depends on the prevailing cultural context. In the cases under study, Originality/value - Despite the envisaged significance of

ALTERNATIVES TO GENDER QUOTAS: ELECTORAL FINANCING OF WOMEN CANDIDATES IN MALAWI

Gender quotas change the rules of candidate selection, reflecting a demand-side solution to womens underrepresentation in politics. In contrast, limited attention has been given in the literature to possible supply-side solutions, which would equip women with resources to make them more attractive to selectors—in conjunction with, or separate from, gender quotas. Proposing a new research frontier for quota scholars, this article examines the ‘50–50 campaign’ ahead of the 2009 elections in Malawi, in which donors and the government assisted women aspirants with financial resources and publicity. Although these elections witnessed a 9% rise in women candidates from 2004, some of the increase represented a rise in women running as independents, suggesting that the campaign failed to sufficiently address the role of weak and biased party organisations. While electoral financing can avoid certain disadvantages of gender quotas, it may not be possible to overcome negative perceptions of women in politics.

Thriving on the Edge of Chaos: An Alternative Explanation to the Management of Crisis in Malawi's Decentralization Program

After Malawi adopted a multiparty system of governance in 1994, the country went about setting institutional frameworks that would promote good governance and democratic principles. Among other things these were to create strong local institutions that would promote local development participation and accountability and enhance delivery of services. . However, the transformation of the local assemblies posed a very serious challenge to manage. It is not surprising therefore that more than 10 years after initiating the changes, several studies have concluded that the decentralization process in Malawi is hugely disappointing. The situation in most local assemblies has almost reached the crisis point and is seemingly unredeemable. Despite this chaotic and complex scenario, the decentralized local assemblies still continue to deliver their services to the public, though with some reservation. This article utilizes the Chaos and Complexity theory in order to explain why the decentralized sector still manages to survive and show resilience despite the great challenges it encounters. Ultimately, through chaos and complexity theories, the article provides the framework for understanding the change management process in the assemblies which has not been explored adequately in previous studies. The article recommends that when introducing interventions in transitional systems such as decentralization programs, special recognition should be given to emerging dynamic and evolving occurrences that are beyond the control of policy makers.

Big Brother or Big Opportunist? South Africa's Enthusiasm for a Multifaceted Relationship with the Rest of Africa

South Africa had been a pariah state for many years before its democratic elections in 1994 enabled it to start playing a significant role on both the continental and international scenes. Its continental role is the aspect that has preoccupied most of its national and foreign policy since then, and many observers have welcomed this development. Among others, Chinsinga (2002, 1) argues that South Africa, as a major economic and political power in Africa, is ‘better placed to guide the integration of the southern Africa sub-region towards ... highly competitive and volatile global markets’ than any outside power. Like many other scholars, he believes that by ‘spearheading trade and investment’, South Africa can significantly assist in bringing about development in the region. Despite some reservations, Adebajo (2007, 36) admits that soon after the political transition South Africa had ‘one of the most representative political systems on the continent, arguably its best army, and Africa’s largest economy’. More importantly, there is ‘clear evidence that, since 1994, South Africa is not only within but also for Africa’ (Adedeji & Landsberg, 2007, 3) and ‘it is an undisputed hegemon within its own regional backyard, southern Africa’ (Lukas, 2008, 1).