Harshan Kumarasingham

THE ‘TROPICAL DOMINIONS’: THE APPEAL OF DOMINION STATUS IN THE DECOLONISATION OF INDIA, PAKISTAN AND CEYLON

The paper examines the reasons that India, Pakistan and Ceylon chose to become Dominions within the Commonwealth instead of becoming republics on independence as many expected. Each of these South Asian states had different motives that compelled them to take on a form of government more associated in areas where the British had settled in significant numbers. The ‘Tropical Dominions’ differed from the settler cases and tested this vague British concept. The British and South Asians had to compromise their wishes in order to satisfy their wants. India is characterised here as the ‘Expedient Dominion’, Pakistan the ‘Siege Dominion’ and Ceylon the ‘Imitation Dominion’. This paper focuses on the years immediately prior to independence to understand the various objectives of the South Asian elites that negotiated with the British for their sovereignty and how they varied from each other and from the Dominion ideal.

Losing an Empire and Building a Role: The Queen, Geopolitics, and the Construction of the Commonwealth Headship at the Lusaka Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, 1979

The queens role as the head of the commonwealth has evolved over the last 60 years. In this article, we explore the ways in which this position was constructed and negotiated through the queens presence (and absence) at commonwealth conferences. Utilising the example of the Lusaka Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in 1979—a highly fraught meeting, the queens attendance at which was hotly contested—we examine narratives present in newspaper and oral history accounts surrounding the queens role. Placing this event in the context of the broader constitutional and political issues that have surrounded the headship since the creation of this ambiguous office in 1949, we explore the competing interpretations of the meaning of head of the commonwealth and the vexed question of who was responsible for advising the queen in this role. We argue that the example of the Lusaka summit shows that, far from being a crowned non-entity, the queen was an active agent, both shaping a constitutional role for herself that was separate from that as British monarch and becoming enrolled in broader geopolitical scripts.

Elite patronage over party democracy: High politics in Sri Lanka following independence

When Sri Lanka became independent in February 1948 it lacked a well-established party system and instead relied upon patronage and elite social relationships. Though it had a long pre-independence history of constitutional development and evolving democracy, party politics was not deep-rooted and political power continued to be wielded by an elite that had an almost feudal relationship with the masses. The convention based Westminster model Sri Lanka adopted engendered a local system that relied more on relationships than rules. Political parties and institutions were often unable to check and balance the Executives conduct of power. Sri Lankas elite operated British institutions in an anachronistic eighteenth-century manner such as in having a patronage-based Cabinet dominated by its prime ministerial leader/patron rather than by collegial attitudes or values. The weakness of party institutionalisation and the ambiguity in the constitutional arrangements laid the foundations for future political conflict and marginalisation of segments of society. The continuity of affairs of state from the colonial era and the known and reassuring leadership of D.S. Senanayake and his ‘Uncle-Nephew Party’ masked the democratic tensions and institutional fragility within the Sri Lankan state that would come to the fore violently only years after what was then seen as a model transfer of power.

Constrained parliamentarism in the New Zealand regime

In this article the ways in which the original Ackerman framework may be used in the assessment of checks and balances in New Zealand are considered. Does New Zealand conform to the ideals of constrained parliamentarism? In order to tackle this question, the eight institutional specifics of governance identified by Ackerman are looked into. The eight institutional specifics are (1) Parliamentary democracy, (2) Federal structure, (3) Strong upper house, (4) Professional public service, (5) Independent judiciary, (6) Human rights, (7) Integrity of major institutions and (8) Referenda. This framework facilitates a better understanding of governance in New Zealand.

Independence and identity ignored? New Zealand's reactions to the Statute of Westminster

This article concentrates on New Zealands constitutional and cultural identity through the fascinating political meanderings between independence and dependence in political and constitutional matters that surrounded the ratification of the Statute of Westminster. New Zealand was the last of the Dominions to pass the Statute in 1947, sixteen years after it could have done in 1931 when most other Dominions did. New Zealand did not ratify this critical Act because it did not wish to appear ‘disloyal’ to Britain even though the ‘Mother Country’ had no problems with this happening. New Zealands position mirrored the countrys ambivalence between a separate national identity and interdependence moored with Britain and the Commonwealth. Though this may seem contradictory, these policies and positions accurately reflected what was perceived as New Zealands interests. The politics and reactions of New Zealand towards the Statute of Westminster betrayed the reality that New Zealands independence lay, in the governments mind of that era, in the countrys dependence and deference to Britain whether London wanted it or not.

The Indian Version of First among Equals – Executive Power during the First Decade of Independence

When India gained independence in August 1947 the world watched with excitement as well as trepidation as to what would happen following this unique and major event. The political destiny of the worlds largest democracy would lie in the hands of an infinitesimal portion of the population – the political executive. Indias new institutions had new operators to act in new conditions. There were few precedents. Within this Westminster system, refounded in India with its emphasis on executive flexibility and ambiguity, the leading political figures often had conflicting opinions and interpretations as to their powers. The relationship between Nehru as Prime Minister and other leading political figures, such as Patel as deputy Prime Minister, Prasad as President, and their definitions of their roles, would forge a new India. This paper revisits those debates and ideas in the first decade following independence, which allow greater understanding of the workings and conventions of todays Indian executive.

A democratic paradox: The communalisation of politics in Ceylon, 1911-1948

Harshan Kumarasingham is studying for a Doctorate in Political History at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. His research is focused on comparative historic commonwealth experiences with the Westminster system with particular regard to South Asia and Australasia.

Semi-Presidential Regimes: Some Lessons for Australian Republicans?

Abstract The activities of successive Governors General of Australia have traditionally been couched in secrecy and this has prevented any meaningful public discussion of the subject. This article argues that, regardless of whether Australia continues to be a monarchy or transforms itself into a republic, far-reaching reforms are essential to ensure greater accountability for the position of head of state. In the view of the authors, heads of state do play, and should play, political roles, but they should be firmly and explicitly constrained in so doing.

Book Review: Political Theory: Semi-presidentialism and Democracy

in detail and approachable for both academics and non-academics alike. Above all, the book successfully puts ‘quiet politics’ theory at the centre of the corporate governance literature and, from a broader theoretical perspective, further fine-tunes the ‘varieties of capitalism’ and ‘institutional change’ literature. In this regard, it will serve as a particularly valuable reference among students of political institutions, political economy and business.

Book Review: Political Theory: Semi-presidentialism and DemocracySemi-presidentialism and Democracy by ElgieRobert, MoestrupSophia and WuYu-Shan (eds). London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. 296pp., £60.00, ISBN 9780230242920

in detail and approachable for both academics and non-academics alike. Above all, the book successfully puts ‘quiet politics’ theory at the centre of the corporate governance literature and, from a broader theoretical perspective, further fine-tunes the ‘varieties of capitalism’ and ‘institutional change’ literature. In this regard, it will serve as a particularly valuable reference among students of political institutions, political economy and business.