Héctor Carvacho

Confianza en instituciones políticas en Chile: un modelo de los componentes centrales de juicios de confianza

Resumen es: La confianza que los ciudadanos depositan en las instituciones politicas es importante para las democracias. Sin embargo, existen dudas acerca de la natu...

Relación entre orientación política y condición socioeconómica en la cultura política chilena: una aproximación desde la psicología política

A partir de un estudio longitudinal sobre cultura politica en chilenos, discutimos la paradojal evidencia encontrada en la literatura que plantea que, por un lado, las actitudes politicas mas pro-democraticas y anti-autoritarias se observarian en sectores sociales acomodados y, por otro lado, las actitudes mas pro-conservadoras y anti-igualitaristas se observarian en grupos sociales dominantes. Nuestros datos muestran que el patron de actitudes politicas (autoritarismo, apoyo a la democracia, conservadurismo y nacionalismo) es similar entre personas de derecha de estrato alto, izquierda de estrato bajo, y centro de estrato medio. En cambio, quienes manifiestan una orientacion politica incongruente con su condicion socioeconomica presentan actitudes politicas diferenciadas del patron predominante. Concluimos que la paradoja puede resolverse explicando el patron de actitudes politicas de un grupo en funcion del (des)ajuste de la orientacion politica a sus condiciones socioeconomicas.

Social Dominance Theory: Explorations in the Psychology of Oppression

Question: What is the difference between capitalism and communism? Answer: Under capitalism you have the exploitation of man by man. Under communism it is just the reverse. Russian saying Despite impressive gains in the spread of quasi-democratic social practices and respect for human rights witnessed in the past hundred years (e.g., Pinker, 2011), intergroup discrimination, oppression, and violence continue to thrive within every modern social system. Whether one considers the marked discrimination against immigrants in the relatively egalitarian Sweden (Nordenstam & Ringstrom, 2013; Orange, 2013), the money-dominated elections of post-industrial states (Lessig, 2011), or the unambiguously oppressive dictatorships across the majority of the Arab world, systems of group-based social inequality and domination continue, despite our best efforts, to maintain their grip around the throats of democratic and egalitarian aspirations. While there are certainly vast differences in the degree of group-based social inequality across social systems, or across historical epochs within any given society, group-based social inequality appears to be a human universal present in all kinds of societies (see, e.g., Bowles, Smith, and Borgerhoff Mulder, 2010), even in hunter-gatherer communities (e.g., Ames, 2007; Arnold, 1993; Kennett, Winterhalder, Bartruff, & Erlandson, 2008). Having made this basic observation of the near ubiquity of group-based social inequality, social dominance theory (SDT; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; Sidanius, 1993; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) argues that many familiar types of group-based oppression (e.g., racism, sexism, nationalism, classism, religious intolerance, hostility toward the mentally ill) are essentially particular instantiations of a more general process through which dominant groups establish and maintain social, economic, and military supremacy over subordinate groups. Therefore, it is suggested that specific instantiations of oppression across social contexts cannot be comprehensively understood without serious consideration of the dynamic and multileveled forces producing and sustaining the phenomenon of group-based social hierarchy. The Trimorphic Nature of Group-Based Social Hierarchy SDT argues that there are essentially three related, yet qualitatively distinct types of group-based social hierarchy. The first type of hierarchical system is the “age system,” in which those considered to be “adults” have more social, economic, and political power than those considered “juveniles.” While the specific age separating one category in this system from another may vary between societies and within a given society over time, this dichotomy appears to be universal (James & James, 2008).

Social Identities and Conflict in Chile: The Role of Historical and Political Processes

In this chapter, we seek to integrate historical and contextual perspectives with socio-psychological theories to better understand the development of social identities and conflicts in Chile. Specifically, we analyse across different contexts, ethnic identity, national identity in the context of immigration, political, gender and social class identities. We address the historical background that gave rise to status and power differences, the nature of these intergroup relations and the conflicts associated with the groups involved. We conclude by arguing that in order for a modern society to tackle the challenges imposed by multiculturalism and social diversity, historical and political processes need to be considered, in addition to the needs of belonging, distinctiveness and factors that might threaten social identities. Fostering opportunities to experience positive intergroup encounters, in which, groups can learn from each other and more importantly, can live in peace without feeling threatened by the presence of other groups is seen as crucial.

The impact of the ouster of President Morsi on the political-religious attitudes of Egyptian citizen

While conducting a survey in Egypt in the summer of 2013, we were interrupted by the ouster of President Morsi, but continued afterward, resulting in a unique sample set. With these data, we were able to investigate, with a quasi-experimental design, the impact of the ouster, a major turning point in the Egyptian revolution, on the attitudes of Egyptians regarding political participation, the role of religion in politics, and Islamist ideology. After the ouster, overall willingness to participate in politics, whether in form of demonstrations, voting, or strikes, declined. Regarding the role of religion in politics, participants favored less involvement of religion in politics after the ouster. The attitude towards jihadism facet of Islamist ideology changed slightly from strong disagreement to disagreement. Besides the ouster, a factor generally affecting the political attitudes was education: the more highly educated individuals were the more willingness they showed to become politically active. Another factor was the general religious orientation: the more religious individuals were the more important for them was religion for politics. However, the religious orientation had no effect on the attitude towards Islamist ideology.

On the justification of intergroup violence: The roles of procedural justice, police legitimacy and group identity in attitudes towards violence among indigenous people

Objective: Why do people justify intergroup violence? We examine public attitudes toward violence perpetrated by indigenous activists to claim for rights and violence by police officers against indigenous people. We assess the roles that group identity, perceived police legitimacy, and procedurally just policing toward indigenous people play in the justification of intergroup violence among members of that minority group. Method: We present findings from 2 surveys (Study 1, n = 1,493; Study 2, n = 198) and an experiment (Study 3, n = 76) conducted among indigenous people in Chile. Studies 1 and 2 measure, and Study 3 manipulates, perceptions of police procedural justice toward indigenous people. Effects of procedural justice on police legitimacy (Studies 2 and 3) and attitudes toward violence for social change and social control (Studies 1–3) are analyzed. Result: Higher perceptions of procedurally just policing toward indigenous people predict higher support for police violence and lower support for violence perpetrated by indigenous activists. These effects are mediated by perceived police legitimacy and moderated by identification with the minority group. Among indigenous people who identify strongly with their group, perceiving high procedural justice predicts greater police legitimacy, greater support for police violence, and lesser support for violence perpetrated by indigenous activists. Conclusions: Findings contribute to an emerging literature on the roles of procedural justice and legitimacy in violence perceptions. They suggest that fair, respectful, and neutral treatment by police officers toward indigenous people may shape people’s views on the appropriateness of various forms of police and civic violence in a particular intergroup context.