Heike Martensen

The nature of memory processes underlying recognition judgments in the process dissociation procedure

The hypothesis is tested that the memory processes involved in recognition judgments in the process dissociation procedure are the same as those involved in standard source-monitoring tasks. It is shown how source-monitoring response categories can be mapped onto process dissociation response categories. On the basis of this observation, an experiment was conducted in which it was possible to compare, using a multinomial modeling approach, the parameters representing memory processes in the process dissociation procedure with those involved in source monitoring. For the two different encoding conditions realized, the results are compatible with the hypothesis that the same processes are involved in source monitoring and in recognition judgments in the process dissociation procedure. Implications for the interpretation of the model’s parameters are discussed.

When does inconsistency hurt? On the relation between phonological consistency effects and the reliability of sublexical units

Phonologicalconsistency describes to what extent a letter string in one word is pronounced equally in other words. Phonologicalreliability describes to what extent a sublexical unit is usually consistent throughout a language. The relationship between the two concepts was investigated by comparing five sublexical units (onset-consonants, vowel, end-consonants, and the concatenation of the vowel with begin- or end-consonants) in Dutch and English with respect to their reliability and to how their consistency was related to naming errors and latencies. In a regression analysis, naming latencies and errors on genuine Dutch words (consistent) and imported words (inconsistent) were predicted by the phonological consistency of the five units. The same was done for two sets of English naming data. Consistency had a much stronger effect in Dutch than in English naming studies when all five units were considered. The special role of the vowel plus end-consonants, which has been found in English naming data, could not be demonstrated in Dutch. In both languages, the size of consistency effects mirrors the reliability of the five units.

Further evidence on the similarity of memory processes in the process dissociation procedure and in source monitoring

Buchner, Erdfelder, Steffens, and Martensen (1997) proposed that the memory processes involved in recognition judgments in the process dissociation procedure are the same as those involved in standard source monitoring tasks. Two extensions of that research are presented here. First, following a line of reasoning recently brought forward by Jacoby (1998), the instructions in the earlier study could have triggered different processes from those triggered by his instructions. However, with instructions conforming as closely as possible to those reported by Jacoby (1991), Experiment 1 replicated the earlier recognition judgment finding almost perfectly. Second, the memory processes underlying fame judgments in the process dissociation procedure could also resemble those involved in source monitoring tasks. Indeed, the results of Experiment 2 are compatible with the hypothesis that the same processes are involved in fame judgments given a source monitoring or a process dissociation procedure.

Phonological ambiguity and context sensitivity: On sublexical clustering in visual word recognition

In one lexical decision and three naming experiments, we established the effect of visually separating two letters that have to be considered jointly for pronunciation. Segmentation effects were studied for digraphic vowels and for ambiguous onset-letter (C) whose pronunciation is determined by the following vowel. Separating the two letters of a digraphic vowel (e.g., BO//EK) impaired reading in all experiments. Separating the onset C from the letter that resolves its ambiguity (e.g., C//ENT) did not impair reading more than separating an unambiguous onset-letter from the following vowel (e.g., T//ENT). However, there was a general processing cost for items with an ambiguous onset in terms of speed and accuracy. The conclusion is that local phonological ambiguity is resolved in two different stages: One that is sensitive to visual presentation and one that is not.

Naming interlingual homographs: Variable competition and the role of the decision system

To investigate decision level processes involved in bilingual word recognition tasks, Dutch–English participants had to name Dutch–English homographs in English. In a stimulus list containing items from both languages, interlingual homographs yielded longer naming latencies, more Dutch responses, and more other errors in both response languages if they had a high-frequency Dutch reading. Dutch naming latencies were slower than or equally slow as English naming latencies. In a stimulus list containing only English words and homographs, there was no homograph effect in naming latencies, although homographs did elicit more errors than control words. The results are interpreted as the consequence of list-induced variability in the competition between lexical items of the two languages involved. In addition, two additional decision processes have to be assumed: a language check, and a response deadline for non-target-language responses. A few years ago, the metal band Megadeth issued a CD with the title Rust in Peace. For the English reader, the switch from REST to RUST involves a significant change in meaning. For Dutch–English bilinguals, the word play may be even more intriguing, because RUST is the Dutch translation of REST. Bilinguals are often confronted with INTERLINGUAL HOMOGRAPHS like RUST, which have an identical orthographic form but a different meaning in each of their languages. Such homographs

A werd is not quite a word : on the role of sublexical phonological information in visual lexical decision

To establish the relative contribution of phonological and orthographic information to visual word recognition, we varied the instruction how to respond to the pseudohomophones in a Dutch lexical decision task. One participant group was asked to base their word/nonword decisions on spelling and therefore reject pseudohomophones together with the nonhomophonic nonwords; the other group had to base their decisions on phonology and therefore accept pseudohomophones together with real words. Rejecting pseudohomophones (ignoring phonological information) was accompanied by costs in speed and accuracy for the pseudohomophones but not for other items. Accepting pseudohomophones (ignoring orthographic information) led to speed and accuracy costs for pseudohomophones and nonhomophonic nonwords that were approximately ten times larger than those for rejecting pseudohomophones. The simultaneous costs for pseudohomophones and nonhomophonic nonwords contradict an explanation of pseudohomophone acceptance in terms of a postlexical spelling check. The results indicate that phonological information can be ignored much more easily than orthographic information. Therefore, they fail to support a primary role of sublexical phonological assembly in lexical decision. This conclusion was further supported by strong effects of phonological consistency that were found in a naming experiment but were completely absent in lexical decision.

Who is dominating the Dutch neighbourhood? On the role of subsyllabic units in Dutch nonword reading

To assess the role of the subsyllabic units onset–nucleus (ON; spa rk) and rime (sp ark ) in Dutch visual word recognition, we compared lexical decisions to four groups of nonwords in which the existence of ONs and rimes was orthogonally manipulated. Nonwords with existent ONs and/or rimes were rejected more slowly and less accurately. ON and rime neighbours thus influence Dutch nonword reading to the same extent. Simulations with the interactive activation model (McClelland & Rumelhart, 1981) revealed that this model with left-to-right coded representations could not replicate the effects found in the lexical decision data whereas an adapted version with representations of onset, nucleus, and coda could. Effects of the larger units ON and rime emerged from activation patterns created by the smaller units onset, nucleus, and coda.