Heleen Touquet

The Co-evolution of EU’s Eastern Enlargement and LGBT Politics: An Ever Gayer Union?

The EU identifies and presents itself as an organisation founded on ‘fundamental values’ and as a defender and guardian of fundamental rights. The development of this ‘fundamental rights myth’ (Journal of Common Market Studies 48(1):45–66, 2010) has taken place against the broader backdrop of a globalisation of human rights discourse (Journal of Common Market Studies 48(1):45–66, 2010; McGill Law Journal 49(4):951–968, 2004). Fundamental values have also increasingly become the narrative driving EU foreign policy, including enlargement and neighbourhood policies. As Article 3(5) clarifies, ‘In its relations with the wider world, the [European] Union shall uphold and promote its values and interests and contribute to the protection of its citizens. It shall contribute to […] the protection of human rights’. Article 49 sets forth respect for the so-called founding values—‘respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights’ (Art. 2 TEU)—as a precondition for EU membership.

Bosnia and Herzegovina: Thinking Beyond Institution-Building

This essay seeks to move beyond the traditional discussions on state change in Bosnia-Herzegovina by assessing the usefulness of shifting attention away from state- and institution-building efforts by domestic or international political elites and by focusing instead on the actions of local nonstate actors. We advocate a theoretical investigation into what might be gained from devoting new scholarly attention to identity-forming processes at the sidelines of governmental politics. We add empirical support to our argument by analyzing the work of a number of organizations in Bosnia that mobilize Bosnian citizens along nonethnic lines and construct alternative state-building narratives.

Out of the shadows? The inclusion of men and boys in conceptualisations of wartime sexual violence

Abstract Researchers increasingly acknowledge that men and boys are frequent victims of sexual violence in conflict alongside women and girls, who remain the group that is disproportionately affected. This increasing awareness has contributed to significant efforts to include men and boys in conceptualisations of conflict-related sexual violence in policy as well as in international criminal law. This article analyses the changes that have occurred in these two fields in recent years. We argue that while a major shift towards including male victims in international policy on wartime sexual violence took place in 2013-2014, this development has yet to be consolidated in salient policy guidelines and handbooks. While men and boys’ potential victimisation is frequently recognised, most policy documents do not treat the topic of male victimisation in depth. International criminal law on the other hand has pioneered gender-neutral and inclusive definitions. However, the interpretation and application of the gender-inclusive approach is often left to the discretion of judges and the prosecution who at times fail to take the experience of males fully into account, signalling the continuing influence of gender stereotypes and deeply held cultural myths. A renewed effort to fully integrate male victims into conceptualisations of conflict-related sexual violence in both policy and law is therefore advised. Résumé Les chercheurs sont de plus en plus nombreux à admettre que les hommes et les garçons sont fréquemment victimes de violence sexuelle dans des conflits, aux côtés des femmes et des filles, qui restent le groupe le plus fortement touché. Cette prise de conscience a débouché sur d’importants efforts pour inclure les hommes et les garçons dans les conceptualisations de la violence sexuelle liée aux conflits dans les politiques ainsi que dans le droit pénal international. Cet article analyse les changements qui se sont récemment produits dans ces deux domaines. Nous avançons que si une évolution majeure vers l’inclusion des victimes masculines dans les politiques internationales sur la violence sexuelle en temps de guerre a eu lieu en 2013-2014, cette nouveauté doit encore être consolidée dans les principaux principes directeurs et guides politiques. Si la victimisation potentielle des hommes et des garçons est souvent reconnue, la plupart des documents politiques n’abordent pas cette question en profondeur. D’autre part, le droit pénal international a innové avec des définitions neutres et inclusives. Néanmoins, l’interprétation et l’application de l’approche intégrant les deux sexes sont souvent laissées à la discrétion des juges et de l’accusation qui ne tiennent pas toujours pleinement compte de l’expérience des hommes. Cela révèle l’influence persistante des stéréotypes sexuels et des mythes culturels profondément ancrés. Il est donc conseillé de redoubler d’efforts pour intégrer pleinement les victimes masculines dans les conceptualisations de la violence sexuelle liée aux conflits dans les politiques et le droit. Resumen Cada vez más los investigadores reconocen que los hombres y niños son víctimas frecuentes de violencia sexual en conflictos, junto a mujeres y niñas, que continúan siendo el grupo afectado de manera desproporcionada. Esta creciente conciencia ha contribuido a esfuerzos significativos para incluir a hombres y niños en conceptualizaciones de violencia sexual relacionada con conflictos en las políticas y en el derecho penal internacional. Este artículo analiza los cambios que han ocurrido en estos dos campos en los últimos años. Argumentamos que aunque en 2013-2014 hubo un cambio importante para incluir a víctimas de sexo masculino en las políticas internacionales sobre violencia sexual en tiempos de guerra, este suceso aún no ha sido consolidado en directrices y manuales de políticas salientes. Aunque la posible victimación de hombres y niños es reconocida con frecuencia, la mayoría de los documentos de políticas no tratan a fondo el tema de victimación de hombres. Por otro lado, el derecho penal internacional ha liderado definiciones inclusivas y neutrales con relación al género. Sin embargo, la interpretación y aplicación del enfoque inclusivo de género a menudo se deja a la discreción de jueces y la fiscalía, quienes a veces no toman en cuenta la experiencia de los hombres, lo cual es indicio de la continua influencia de estereotipos de género y mitos culturales muy arraigados. Por lo tanto, se aconseja emprender un esfuerzo renovado por integrar en las políticas y leyes a las víctimas de sexo masculino en las conceptualizaciones de la violencia sexual relacionada con conflictos.

Changing Frames of Reconciliation: The Politics of Peace-Building in the former Yugoslavia

In this article, we examine reconciliation as a category of political practice. More particularly, we explore the ways in which the term reconciliation has been employed and invested with meaning in the recent legal, social, and political discussions on transitional justice and EU accession in the former Yugoslavia. Much of the literature on the former Yugoslavia highlights the need for reconciliation and envisages it as the ultimate goal of a process of societal and political transformation. But what does reconciliation mean? Our assertion is that reconciliation is a dynamic term; its meaning varies across discursive fields and according to the implicit assumptions associated with it. This article investigates a number of ways in which the term reconciliation has been given meaning in the former Yugoslavia through an exploratory analysis of three related fields of political discussion: (1) transitional justice, in particular the arena of discursive interaction surrounding the completion of the activities of the ICTY in The Hague; (2) the human rights and enlargement agenda of the EU; and (3) local and regional civil society initiatives, including the RECOM initiative, which calls for the establishment of a mechanism for truth-telling and reconciliation across all the countries of the former Yugoslavia. On the basis of an analysis of public statements by politicians and activists, as well as some interviews with key actors in these three fields, we show that reconciliation is mobilized in varying and often conflicting ways.

The Republika Srpska as a strong nationalizing state and the consequences for postethnic activism

This paper explores the limits and possibilities for postethnic mobilization in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It employs and critically assesses Tarrows classic concept of political opportunity structure for the explaining the variations in the occurrence of postethnic mobilization in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a deeply divided society. While the main cleavages in the country run along ethnic lines, a number of groups and NGOs attempt to mobilize alternative identities across ethnic boundaries. These groups are mostly based in the Federation entity of Bosnia-Herzegovina and not in the Republika Srpska. My analysis shows that the concept of political opportunity structure only partly explains this difference. I thus suggest an alternative perspective, which takes into account the cultural environment in which the mobilization happens. The first part of the paper expands on the definition of postethnic activism, explaining what it is and how I proceeded in researching postethnic groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The second part uses the framework of political opportunity structure for assessing the influence of environmental factors on the emergence and development of postethnic activism. The third part of the paper evaluates the relevance of the political opportunity structure framework, considers the merits of an approach which takes into account the cultural context, and suggests some further avenues for research.

Introduction: EU Enlargement and LGBT Rights: Beyond Symbolism?

Over the last decade, the rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) people have become an ever more salient and controversial topic in international politics. LGBT rights are increasingly considered a litmus test for a country’s broader human rights record. As Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch, so eloquently articulated:

Unintended consequences: the EU memory framework and the politics of memory in Serbia and Croatia

ABSTRACT The shared memories of the Second World War have played a crucial role in the process of integration of the European Union (EU). After the Enlargement to the East, the EU also sought to accommodate the historical experiences of the former communist countries. The result of this process was an EU memory framework that focused on shared suffering under totalitarian (both fascist and communist) regimes. This article examines the impact of this framework and its equalization of fascism and communism on Croatia (new member state) and Serbia (in accession talks). We conclude that the framework is used locally as an opportunity structure to renegotiate ideological conflicts.

Sexual violence against men and boys in conflict and forced displacement: implications for the health sector

Abstract Sexual violence against men and boys is commonplace in many conflict-affected settings and may be frequent in relation to forced displacement as well. Adolescent boys, forming the majority of unaccompanied minors globally, are a particularly vulnerable group. Yet sensitised health services for adult and adolescent male sexual violence survivors are scarce, and barriers to accessing care remain high. We describe current challenges and gaps in the provision of health care for male survivors in settings affected by conflict and forced displacement, and provide suggestions on how to improve service provision and uptake.