Hendrik Kraay

Em outra coisa não falavam os pardos, cabras, e crioulos: o "recrutamento" de escravos na guerra da Independência na Bahia

This article examines the recruitment of slaves for the patriot forces during the Brazilian Independence War in Bahia (1822 - 1823), distinguishing between the frequently conflated enlistment of slaves and that of free or freed people of color. The slave recruitment that took place during this conflict was an ad hoc expedient by the Brazilian commander, and no formal promises of liberty were tendered to the slaves. After the conflict, the Brazilian government arranged to free those slaves who had served, granting compensation to their owners. At the same time, authorities had to deal with the large number of men of color enlisted during the war, a sharp contrast to the mostly white late-colonial regulars. The participation of former slave soldiers in the Periquitos Rebellion of 1824 provided the occasion for the deportation of freed and non-white soldiers from the Bahian garrison. In this way, authorities restored the demarcation between slave and soldier, unacceptably blurred during the conflict.

Between Brazil and Bahia: Celebrating Dois de Julho in Nineteenth-Century Salvador

Commemorating the expulsion of Portuguese troops from Salvador, Bahia, on 2 July 1823, the Dois de Julho festival represented Bahian society collectively and marked differences of national origin, class, and race. It challenged the Brazilian states official patriotism by articulating a regional identity, and through its commemoration of the independence-era popular mobilisation, presented a story of Brazils origins that contradicted the official patriotism which celebrated Emperor Pedro I as Brazils founder. Dois de Julhos popularity and durability, moreover, suggest a significant and socially-broad engagement with the imperial state, which cannot be considered a remote and alien entity to the urban population.

Slavery, citizenship and military service in Brazil's mobilization for the Paraguayan War

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Laws of Chance: Brazil's Clandestine Lottery and the Making of Urban Public Life (review)

activities in radical politics or the nature of his Communist convictions. His interests and educational background led him to write many movement broadsides—one newspaper termed him well versed in teorias malsanas—but the sources available to Villars reveal little about his specific actions in labor organizing in Honduras and nothing about his reported work with Agustin Farabundo Marti in El Salvador in late 1931. It is clear that Wainwright remained uncompromisingly devoted to the radical politics of the final years of his life, but one cannot tell if he was an effective organizer or a captive of his own idealism.

Alferes Gamboa e a Sociedade Comemorativa da Independência do Império, 1869-1889

The celebrations of Brazilian independence promoted by the Society for the Commemoration of the Empires Independence in Rio de Janeiro reveal a significant popular engagement with the imperial state. The control of these celebrations by members of the Brazilian capitals povo (common people) gradually came to preoccupy both members of the elite, disconcerted at the control of national symbols like the equestrian statue of Emperor Pedro I by popular patriots, and republicans who rejected the monarchy, since the popular patriots demonstrated a disturbing monarchism. After the death of the societys founder and driving force in 1886, a group of men closely associated with the conservative government took over the society and sought to impose their vision of appropriate, disciplined celebrations.

Soldiers of the Patria: A History of the Brazilian Army, 1889-1937 (review)

and textile entrepreneurs provides a base for the author’s anal question: “What kind of society made it possible for women to act independently, even when this caused conoict with the men around them?” (132) Her answer is that society and family rested on a network of decentralized positions of authority that empowered women in subtle but substantial ways. Guaderman rests her work on local archival material and the theories of Andre Gunder Frank as used by Phelan.1 She acknowledges that although the sources extensively document the regional activities of women, their stories are not new, since other scholars researching women in other areas of Spanish America have underlined the signiacance of women’s roles. However, she asserts that her research comes at the discussion from a new angle. In light of this journal’s interest in underscoring the interdisciplinarity of works under review, her contribution is not methodological in a strict sense. She offers no statistical economic analysis, discussion of demographic data, or anthropological nuance. However, Gauderman uses a variety of sources—legislation, civil and criminal litigation, and city-council and notarial records—to build a solid proale of women’s activities. Such sources lend this work a multidimensional, if not an interdisciplinary, character that makes its reading worthwhile.

Surprise Heirs: Illegitimacy, Patrimonial Rights, and Legal Nationalism in Luso-Brazilian Inheritance, 1750–1821, Vol. 1, Surprise Heirs: Illegitimacy, Inheritance Rights, and Public Power in the Formation of Imperial Brazil, 1822–1889, Vol. 2: Lewin, Linda: Stanford: Stanford University Press 214 pp., (Vol. 1) 397 pp., Publication Dates: January 2003

ticipation. Although he makes only limited claims, he c,learly describes a national pattern. Questions remain about the applicability of Boyer’s ;ipl)roach. One wonders, for example, how similar identities emerged elsewhere in Latin Aniei-ica without the benefit of a revolution. Thus, Boyer’s model deserves to be tested on other Mexican and Latin American cases and incorporated into a general history of Latin American rural life.

Fear and Memory in the Brazilian Army and Society, 1889-1954 (review)

modernity in reference to, say, Milanese design. But it can also denote backwardness when it refers to the rustic background of immigrant grandparents and their awkward encounters with the urban culture of the host metropolis. Even the same commodities can have opposite meanings. Northern Italian cuisine served in a stylish Recoleta restaurant, where the decoration can be as consciously minimalist as the portions, conveys a very different sense of Italianness than a big plate of spaghetti with tomato sauce at a family eatery in a working-class barrio. To his credit, Schneider identifies these class, regional, and temporal variations on ethnic markers rather than simply repeating vague cliches about their contested nature and malleability.

Culture Wars in Brazil: The First Vargas Regime, 1930–1945: Williams, Daryle: Durham: Duke University Press, 346 pp., Publication Date: May 2001

This is one ofthe most original books about Getlilio Vargas’s government to appear in many years. Scholars have long known that his centralizing administration laid the groundwork for modern Brazil’s political economy, labor law, political practice (populism), and social welfare policies. Daryle Williams, an associate professor of history at the University of Maryland, adds new dimensions to our understanding of that period by examining the regime’s complex cultural politics as it greatly increased federal government power in cultural management, engaging a broad spectrum of artists and intellectuals, from conservatives to modernists, in a project to renew Brazilian culture and to definc hrasilidude (Brazilianness). The core of Culture Wars in Brazil consists of three chapters that focus on the registry (tomhamento) of historical sites and artifacts, fcdcral museums, and the portrayal of Brazil at two international expositions (the 1939 Ncw York World’s Fair and the 1940 Exposition ofthe Portuguese World in Lisbon). Registry of historical sites considerably broadened the scope of what was considered worthy of historical preservation to include entire colonial towns like Ouro Preto, leading inevitably to conflicts with some property owners but offering others an opportunity to link themselves to the state. Museums, notably the lmperial Museum (in the old palace in Petr6polis), came to present a “pristine national past’’ (136), free from conflict and uncomfortable realities such as slavery. Indeed, the 1940 exhibition of Jean-Baptiste Debret’s early-nineteenth-century watercolors, with their graphic portrayals of slavery, fell tlat, according to Williams, because the images were too harsh. Brazil’s contributions to the fairs offered contrasting portrayals of thc country: New Yorkers saw a society that embraced modernism, notably in the pavilion designed by Lucio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer; visitors to the Lisbon fair saw a Brazil that revcled in its Portuguese origins. Although Williams effectively analyzes the complex high politics of government and cultural elites, it is less clear how ordinary Brazilians viewed the resulting portrayals of their country. Only a handful of people visited the federal museums discussed in the book; several of them were difficult to reach I’rom major population centers, and dress codes kept out the poor and the working class.