Hennie Kotzé

Electoral Support for Islamic Parties in the Middle East and North Africa

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is often regarded as an area where it is difficult to stabilize democracy. This notion is reinforced by the fact that, in the most recent set of elections held in the region, Islamic-orientated political parties perceived to be anti-democratic have achieved important electoral victories. This article analyses these parties in the MENA region in an attempt to discern whether support is related to a preference for anti-democratic forms of government. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis using survey data and results indicate that electoral support for Islamic political parties is in fact driven by a rejection of the present state configuration, which in turn leads to a demand for religion to exert greater influence on the state.

The State, Civil Society, and Democratic Transition in South Africa A Survey of Elite Attitudes

The presence of civil society is widely recognized as a crucially important component of the foundation of stable democracy. Divided societies can be expected to be lacking in this attribute. Yet claims have been made for the existence of a civil society in South Africa, which is usually typified as a leading example of a deeply divided society. The importance of this claim for the consolidation of democracy lies in the fact that negotiators were able to converge on a new set of constitutional rules of the game, to hold a founding election, and to establish a Government of National Unity to replace the apartheid state and regime. The question is whether these steps toward securing democracy after apartheid are buttressed by the presence of a civil society or are taken in its absence. If the latter applies, then the immediate task of the new government will have to be both to democratize the state and regime and to civilize society. This article addresses this question by reporting on data that bear on the attitudes of elites to the state and to a wide variety of civic bodies in South Africa.

Reconciliation, reconstruction and identity politics in South Africa: A 1994 survey of elite attitudes after apartheid

The transition to South Africas first democratic constitution was achieved despite the obstacles imposed by a history of conflict between communities with sharply differing identities based on race and/or language. The authoritative explanations thus far, based on qualitative analyses, is that the transition was driven by elites who were able to transcend these historical cleavages. We report on a quantitative data set based on a survey of elite attitudes done just after the founding election of 1994 which confirms this proposition. The findings are that the policy preferences of elites in the immediate post‐apartheid South Africa are more strongly associated with political party identification than with race, language or the perceived importance of culture, history or values.

The New National Party in the 1999 election: end of the road or a new beginning?

Abstract In the 1999 election support for the New National Party (NNP) dramatically collapsed. This article critically assesses the NNPs electoral strategy and performance. In particular, by emphasising the NNPs consensual opposition style and through constructing an ‘Opposition Index’, it is argued that the prospects for the New National Party may not be as bleak as is commonly assumed.

The Emerging Party System in the New South Africa

This report presents evidence from a recent national post-election study concerning South Africas prospects for developing into either a truly competitive multi-party system or the one-party-dominant system characteristic of so many other emerging democracies. Focusing on long-term party identification, the evidence indicates that the African National Congress (ANC) not only commands an overwhelming, but also intense, share of partisan loyalty. The potential sources of fluidity and electoral uncertainty - independent voters and those with weak party loyalties - are not large enough to threaten the ANCs re-election prospects. Surprisingly, the source of the ANCs (and the National Partys) support base is not an explicitly racial or ethnic one. Nevertheless, the prospects for a one-party-dominant system are high.

Work Values and Transformation: The South African Case, 1990-2001

Abstract Research shows that employees in advanced industrial economies are displaying a distinct shift away from traditional work values that stress both physical and economic security towards individualized work values that stress self-development, autonomy and growth. Over the last two decades numerous internal and external forces, largely related to processes of democratization, have altered the nature and structure of the South African society, resulting in a vast array of values that are of particular significance to the sociology of work in South Africa. The present article therefore sets out to examine the extent to which work values in South Africa have changed in the direction of individualisation between 1990 and 2001 and whether there are differences in the nature and direction of this change between the various social categories defined by race, gender and occupational level. The results of the analysis suggest that work values relating to the distribution of power in the organization have become increasingly individualised, while values relating to work preferences and authority display the opposite trend. The analysis concludes by examining a number of explanations for the value changes described and attempts to infer implications for the formulation and implementation of workplace policy and practice in South Africa.

Democracy and Islam in the Arab World: Lessons from Algeria*

The study of Arab political culture has been developed extensively in recent times in an attempt to test whether the lack of democracy in the Arab world can be ascribed to its political culture, in which religion plays a major role. There are divergent conclusions with regards to this question. In this article, using quantitative techniques, we have analyzed satisfaction with the way democracy is implemented in Algeria at the elite and general public levels. More specifically, we have looked at whether the demand for more religious influence within the state affects levels of satisfaction with the way democracy is being implemented within Algeria. Our results indicate that the low level of satisfaction with the way democracy is implemented in Algeria amongst elites and the public is not driven by political culture or religion specifically – but by a perception of a lack of respect for human rights in the country and, in the case of the general public, also by a lack of confidence in the Algerian state.

Paradise or parking lots? A comparison between the attitudes of the South African business elite and the rest of the elite on selected environmental issues

ABSTRACT Corporate South Africa was characterised in the past by a technocratic ideology, namely, that technology and scientific know‐how will offer solutions to any environmental problems which might arise. This “marketplace” mentality often brought it into conflict with the environmental movement. This research article examines the new awareness of the South African business elite toward selected environmental issues and compares this to the attitudes of the rest of the South African elite. Although the environment was largely overshadowed by the constitutional negotiations it will continue to remain the crucial issue of this decade as the degradation of the environment is an indication of both poverty and wealth. Environmental questions fall within the sphere of the influence and power which important decision‐makers exercise. An investigation into the views of the South African business elite and opinion‐leaders on these issues can also give us an idea of their priorities on development.

Christian ethics in South Africa : liberal values among the public and elites

This article uses statistical data from the World Values Survey (WVS) and the South African Opinion Leader Survey to examine liberal values and attitudes among the following samples of South Africans: Afrikaans, English, isiXhosa and isiZulu speaking Protestants, Catholics, African Independent Church (AIC) members and non-religious people (public and parliamentarians). We find that South Africans have softened in their traditionally conservative attitudes toward homosexuality, prostitution, abortion and euthanasia (but not the death penalty). We conclude that the South African public has gradually become more accepting of the liberal values of the constitution (the product of elite-driven transition to liberal democracy). That being said, South Africans have not become liberals as such and many mainline Protestants and members of the AICs (in particular) have remained fairly con-servative in their views. Additionally, elites (parliamentarians) continue to outpace the public with regards to the acceptance of liberal values and practices.

The Evolution of the Middle Class During Nearly Two Decades of Democracy in South Africa

ABSTRACT South Africa entered the Third Wave of democracy in 1994. Since then it has successfully faced many challenges, the last one being the global financial crisis of 2008–2009, without much damage to its democratic institutions. Pessimism about its democratic trajectory is largely the result of unfortunate policy choices resulting in very low economic growth. Among the many factors that assist democracies to stabilise and endure is the role of the middle class: the more extensive the middle class, the greater the chance for democratic stability. This should be reflected in their values and attitudes toward democracy and institutions. In this article, we use survey data from 1995 and 2013 in order to analyse the evolution of the middle class in South Africa and its values and attitudes since the first democratic elections. Results indicate that the South African middle class has doubled in size during these two decades and that the internal racial distribution has grown closer to the ethnic distribution of the country. We nevertheless conclude that in South Africa democracy is not yet ‘the only game in town’.