Hollie Nyseth Brehm

Gender-Based Violence Against Men and Boys in Darfur The Gender-Genocide Nexus

Analyses of gender-based violence during mass conflict have typically focused on violence committed against women. Violence perpetrated against men has only recently been examined as gender-based violence in its own right. Using narratives from 1,136 Darfuri refugees, we analyze patterns of gender-based violence perpetrated against men and boys during the genocide in Darfur. We examine how this violence emasculates men and boys through four mechanisms: homosexualization, feminization, genital harm, and sex-selective killing. In line with an interactionist approach, we demonstrate how genocidal violence is gendered and argue that perpetrators committing gender-based violence perform masculinity in accordance with hegemonic gender norms in Sudan. We also show how gender-based violence enacts, reinforces, and creates meaning on multiple levels in a matrix of mutually reinforcing processes that we term the gender-genocide nexus. By extending the gender–violence link to the context of mass atrocity, this study facilitates an understanding of the mechanisms through which gender inequalities can be reproduced and maintained in diverse situations and structures.

Representing human rights violations in Darfur: global justice, national distinctions

This article examines how international judicial interventions in mass atrocity influence representations of violence. It relies on content analysis of 3,387 articles and opinion pieces in leading newspapers from eight Western countries, compiled into the Darfur Media Dataset, as well as in-depth interviews to assess how media frame violence in the Darfur region of Sudan. Overall, it finds that UN Security Council and International Criminal Court interventions increase representations of mass violence as crime in all countries under investigation, although each country applies the crime frame at a different level. Reporting suffering and categorizing the violence as genocide also varies across countries. Comparative case studies identify country specific structural and cultural forces that appear to account for these differences. Multilevel multivariate analyses confirm the explanatory power of cultural sensitivities and policy practices, while individual- and organization-level factors, such as reporters’ gender and the newspapers’ ideological orientation, also have explanatory power.

SUBNATIONAL DETERMINANTS OF KILLING IN RWANDA

Nearly one million people were killed in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Although scholars have theorized why this violence occurred, we know comparatively less about how it unfolded. Accordingly, this article assesses the determinants of subnational levels of killing in 142 Rwandan communes by relying on data from the Rwandan Ministry of Local Administration and Community Development, the National University of Rwanda, and the 1991 Rwandan census. Fixed effects analyses reveal that top-down and bottom-up factors coalesced to influence violence across Rwanda. The state orchestrated and implemented the violence, and more violence occurred near the extremist center of the country as well as where state actors met strong opposition. Local conditions also shaped the violence, however, and indicators of low community cohesion and social control are associated with comparatively more violence. When put together, a unique model is introduced that integrates state conflict theories and social control theories of crime to explain subnational killing during the genocide in Rwanda.

AGE, GENDER, AND THE CRIME OF CRIMES: TOWARD A LIFE-COURSE THEORY OF GENOCIDE PARTICIPATION†

This article asks whether genocide follows the age and gender distributions common to other crime. We develop and test a life-course model of genocide participation to address this question using a new dataset of 1,068,192 cases tried in Rwandas gacaca courts. Three types of prosecutions are considered: 1) inciting, organizing, or supervising violence; 2) killings and other physical assaults; and 3) offenses against property. By relying on systematic graphic comparisons, we find that the peak age of those tried in the gacaca courts was 34 years at the time of the genocide, which is older than the peak age for most other types of crime. We likewise find that women were more likely to participate in crimes against property and comparatively unlikely to commit genocidal murder. Symbolic–interactionist explanations of crime suggest people desist from crime as a result of shared understandings of the expectations of adulthood. We argue that this process may be turned on its head during genocide as participants may believe they are defending their communities against a perceived threat. Thus, in contrast to other criminological theories suggesting that people must desist from crime to be accorded adult status, some adults may participate in genocide to fulfill their duties as adult men.

State Context and Exclusionary Ideologies

Social science research has denoted the role that exclusionary and divisive ideologies play in fortifying group boundaries and shaping inequality, including what is arguably its most extreme form—genocide. We know little, however, about where and why such ideologies emerge. This article analyzes 159 countries between 1955 and 2009 to assess the factors that influence the emergence and presence of exclusionary ideologies. Doing so informs broader social science conceptions of the role of culture and politics in the production of inequality and violence. I find that certain critical junctures, including independence and irregular regime change, are associated with the onset of exclusionary ideologies. Colonial histories and threats to political elites are also consequential. I conclude by discussing exclusionary ideologies relative to genocide as well as the general importance of cultural and political dynamics for future analyses of inequality.Social science research has denoted the role that exclusionary and divisive ideologies play in fortifying group boundaries and shaping inequality, including what is arguably its most extreme form—genocide. We know little, however, about where and why such ideologies emerge. This article analyzes 159 countries between 1955 and 2009 to assess the factors that influence the emergence and presence of exclusionary ideologies. Doing so informs broader social science conceptions of the role of culture and politics in the production of inequality and violence. I find that certain critical junctures, including independence and irregular regime change, are associated with the onset of exclusionary ideologies. Colonial histories and threats to political elites are also consequential. I conclude by discussing exclusionary ideologies relative to genocide as well as the general importance of cultural and political dynamics for future analyses of inequality.

FROM THE NEW ECOLOGICAL PARADIGM TO TOTAL LIBERATION: The Emergence of a Social Movement Frame

Drawing on theories of social movements and environmental sociology, this article considers a frame transformation that is taking place within ecological social movements. This transformation produced a new frame: “total liberation.” We explore this phenomenon by analyzing interviews with activists, fieldwork observations, and documents from radical environmental and animal rights movement networks in the United States. Beyond introducing the total liberation frame, the article expands current understandings of how and why frame transformations occur through a consideration of how multiple frames, as well as intra- and intermovement tensions and influences, shape frame transformation.

A Dynamic Life-course Approach to Genocide

We argue in this article that the study of genocide would benefit from the application and use of theoretical tools that criminologists have long had at their disposal, specifically, conception and theorization surrounding the life course. Using the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi as a case study, we detail how the building blocks of life-course criminology can be effectively used in analyses of (1) risk factors for the onset of genocide, (2) trajectories and duration of genocidal violence, and (3) desistance from genocidal crime and transitions after genocide. We conclude by highlighting the conceptual gains for research on genocide and political conflict by briefly discussing the analytic implications for future genocide research.

The Global Adoption of National Policies Protecting Children from Violent Discipline in Schools and Homes, 1950-2011: Policies Protecting Children from Violent Discipline

With a focus on the relationship between womens and childrens rights and theories of globalization, we conduct an event history analysis of more than 150 countries between 1950 and 2011 to assess the factors associated with policies banning corporal punishment in schools and homes. Our research reveals that formal condemnation of corporal punishment in schools is becoming a global norm; policies banning corporal punishment in the home, in contrast, are being adopted more slowly. We find that the percentage of women in parliament is associated with the adoption of anti-corporal punishment policies in both schools and homes, suggesting a nexus between womens and childrens issues. Countries with more ethnic diversity are slower to adopt home policies, however. We propose that groups in these countries may be resistant to laws because of the risk of selective or prejudicial enforcement. In terms of globalization, more aid is associated with both school and home policies, and countries that have ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child are more likely to adopt home policies. Surprisingly, international nongovernmental organizations are not significantly associated with either type of policy adoption.

Re-examining risk factors of genocide

ABSTRACTThis article assesses the risk factors of genocide. Drawing upon previous research on genocide and the United Nations’ Atrocity Prevention Framework, it employs an event history analysis of over 150 countries between 1955 and 2005. While existing frameworks emphasize general upheaval, this article disaggregates the type of upheaval, finding that economic upheaval—such as resource scarcity or population pressure—does not influence the odds of genocide. Instead, political upheaval that enables a repressive leader to come to power (including coups, assassinations, civil wars and successful revolutions) and political upheaval that directly threatens those in power (including coup attempts, campaigns against the state, unsuccessful revolutions and civil wars that do not coincide with regime change) have the strongest influence on the onset of genocide. These findings are consistent with previous findings that emphasize political upheaval and threat but specify numerous indicators of these broad phenome...ABSTRACT This article assesses the risk factors of genocide. Drawing upon previous research on genocide and the United Nations’ Atrocity Prevention Framework, it employs an event history analysis of over 150 countries between 1955 and 2005. While existing frameworks emphasize general upheaval, this article disaggregates the type of upheaval, finding that economic upheaval—such as resource scarcity or population pressure—does not influence the odds of genocide. Instead, political upheaval that enables a repressive leader to come to power (including coups, assassinations, civil wars and successful revolutions) and political upheaval that directly threatens those in power (including coup attempts, campaigns against the state, unsuccessful revolutions and civil wars that do not coincide with regime change) have the strongest influence on the onset of genocide. These findings are consistent with previous findings that emphasize political upheaval and threat but specify numerous indicators of these broad phenomena. This article also highlights the role of discrimination and exclusion, although it casts doubt on many other risk factors included in recent case studies and in the United Nations’ Atrocity Prevention Framework.

Accountability after Genocide

working to prosecute the perpetrators of genocide, remember its victims, and move forward is an enormous undertaking. after nearly 2 million trials in under a decade, rwanda provides an case study in local legal adaptation toward accountability.