Irma Arteaga

School-Based Early Childhood Education and Age-28 Well-Being: Effects by Timing, Dosage, and Subgroups

A little bit of preschool goes a long way. Advances in understanding the effects of early education have benefited public policy and developmental science. Although preschool has demonstrated positive effects on life-course outcomes, limitations in knowledge on program scale, subgroup differences, and dosage levels have hindered understanding. We report the effects of the Child-Parent Center Education Program on indicators of well-being up to 25 years later for more than 1400 participants. This established, publicly funded intervention begins in preschool and provides up to 6 years of service in inner-city Chicago schools. Relative to the comparison group receiving the usual services, program participation was independently linked to higher educational attainment, income, socioeconomic status (SES), and health insurance coverage, as well as lower rates of justice-system involvement and substance abuse. Evidence of enduring effects was strongest for preschool, especially for males and children of high school dropouts. The positive influence of four or more years of service was limited primarily to education and SES. Dosage within program components was mostly unrelated to outcomes. Findings demonstrate support for the enduring effects of sustained school-based early education to the end of the third decade of life.

Low Birth Weight, Preschool Education, and School Remediation.

Studies have documented a strong relationship between low birth-weight status and adverse child outcomes such as poor school performance and need for special education services. Following a cohort of more than 1,300 low-income and predominately African American children in the Chicago Longitudinal Study, the authors investigate whether birth weight and family socioeconomic risk measured at the time of the child’s birth predicts placement into special education classes or grade retention in elementary school. Contrary to previous research, the authors find that low birth weight (<5.5 pounds) does not predict special education placement. Rather, these children (especially boys) are more likely to be retained in grade as an alternative approach in addressing poor school performance. Family socioeconomic risk at birth is a significant predictor of the need for remedial services. The authors also assess whether a high-quality preschool program offered at the ages between 3 and 4 can reduce the negative effects of low family socioeconomic status and birth weight on the need for special education and grade retention. Preschool participation in the Child—Parent Centers is found to reduce the likelihood of school remediation. The effects of preschool are greater for children from families with higher levels of socioeconomic disadvantage. The beneficial effects of preschool on special education placement are also larger for boys than for girls.

The Child and Adult Care Food Program and Food Insecurity

The Child and Adult Care Food Program (CACFP) provides cash reimbursement to family day care, child-care centers, homeless shelters, and after-school programs for meals and snacks served to children. Despite young children’s known vulnerability to fluctuations in nutritional intake, prior literature has largely neglected the contributions of the CACFP to reducing household food insecurity. Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study–Birth Cohort (ECLS-B), we examine the association between CACFP provider participation and food insecurity, controlling for the nonrandom selection process into child-care centers that participate in CACFP. We find that accessing child care through providers that participate in the CACFP results in a small reduction in the risk of household food insecurity. Given the known cognitive and health consequences associated with food insecurity during early childhood, our results indicate the importance of improving access to the CACFP.

A Decade of Analysis

Our study advances literature on immigrant food insecurity by examining whether national-level differences in immigrant and nonimmigrant families’ risk of food insecurity persist across time and for different ethnic/racial groups. Using data from the Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement for low-income households with children aged 0 to 17 years, we examine trends (2003-2013) in immigrant and nonimmigrant food insecurity overall and for different ethnic/racial groups. We also assess how immigrant families are faring compared with their nonimmigrant peers in the wake of the Great Recession and its prolonged recovery period. We find that among low-income households with children, noncitizen immigrant households and their U.S.-born household counterparts experience similar levels of food insecurity, while citizen immigrant households demonstrate the lowest levels of food insecurity. Citizen immigrant households, however, appear to have been most affected by the Great Recession and the protective influences of citizenship status do not appear to extend to Hispanic immigrants.

Decomposing the Household Food Insecurity Gap for Children of U.S.-Born and Foreign-Born Hispanics: Evidence from 1998 to 2011

Using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-K, multivariate analysis, state fixed effects, and regression decomposition, we examine changes in food insecurity for Hispanic kindergarteners between 1998 and 2011, a time period of rapid immigration and political/socio-economic changes. During this time the household food insecurity gap between children of U.S.-born and foreign-born mothers increased by almost 7 percentage points. The factors—child, family, and state—that contributed to the nativity gap differed over time. In both periods, lower familial resources among immigrant families, i.e. endowment effects, contributed to the gap; this was the main component of the gap in 2011 but only one component in 1998. In 1998, heterogeneity in state effects was positively associated with the nativity food insecurity gap. This means that children of foreign-born mothers experience higher household food insecurity than do children of U.S.-born mothers in the same state, even after controlling for child and family characteristics. In 2011, almost half of the gap remained unexplained. This unexplained portion could be driven by differential effects of the Great Recession, growing anti-immigrant sentiment, and/or the relatively large share of unauthorized immigrants in 2011.