J. Bruce Jacobs
Monash University
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Archive | 2005
J. Bruce Jacobs
Historically, the concept of “Taiwan” has played a variety of roles in the politics of the island. During the Qing 淸 dynasty (1683–1895 in Taiwan), the Han-settled areas of Taiwan were local areas within the larger Qing empire, while the aboriginal areas were quite literally “off the map.” During the Japanese period (1895–1945) several approaches to the identity of Taiwan competed including assimilation as Japanese, local autonomy as Taiwanese in the Japanese empire, and Taiwanese as Chinese.
The China Quarterly | 2007
J. Bruce Jacobs; I-Hao Ben Liu
Lee Teng-hui, president of Taiwan from 1988 to 2000, played an important role in launching the widespread nationalism in Taiwan today. Since the end of his presidency, Lee has pushed very hard for a separate Taiwan nation, but during his terms of office he moved very cautiously and only announced his “special state-to-state” relationship to describe Taiwans relations with China after China repeatedly refused to negotiate. Although Lees efforts at democratization have received widespread affirmation in Taiwan, his efforts in creating Taiwan nationalism have proven more controversial.
Archive | 2008
J. Bruce Jacobs
The claim that Taiwan belongs to China is actually very modern. After Chiang Kai-shek came to power in China, the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) displayed considerable ambivalence toward Taiwan. Some Chinese Nationalists claimed that Taiwan should be returned to the bosom of the Motherland, while others, who noted that Taiwanese had fought with the Japanese forces in China and played important roles in the Japanese “puppet” governments in occupied China, viewed Taiwan as enemy territory to be occupied and exploited.1
Japanese Journal of Political Science | 2013
J. Bruce Jacobs
Other than during the Civil War of 1945–1949, Taiwan has never been part of a Chinese state ruled by Han Chinese in Mainland China. With the arrival of the Dutch in 1624, Taiwan underwent a succession of six foreign colonial rulers: the Dutch (1624–1662), the Spanish (in northern Taiwan, 1626–1642), the Cheng family (1662–1683), the Manchus (1683–1895), the Japanese (1895–1945), and the Chinese Nationalists (1945–1988). Only with democratization, beginning in 1988, have the people of Taiwan been able to rule themselves. With democratization, the people of Taiwan have increasingly identified as Taiwanese, an identification that is explicitly not Chinese. Chinas racial appeals to Taiwan are scientifically inaccurate and have no place in the modern world. In order to gain international support, Taiwans leaders and people need to avoid the Chinese framework of ‘independence’ versus ‘unification’. Rather, they should emphasize Taiwans decolonialization, a process that Taiwan shares with much of the world.
China Journal | 2011
J. Bruce Jacobs
The article discusses the various new researches that are being conducted to illustrate the real history of Taiwan. The various stories and facts that make the history even more fascinating are also being talked about.
The China Quarterly | 1976
J. Bruce Jacobs
Scholars of politics in literate and semi-literate societies must study the press for two important reasons. First, the press, as a key line of com-munication, often plays an integral part in the political process. Secondly, the press often provides important politically-relevant information not readily available elsewhere. This article begins with brief comments on the communications functions of Taiwans press and then discusses types of newspapers, particular newspapers of special importance, reporters and the journalistic profession, and press control. It concludes with a discussion of the press as a research resource.
The China Quarterly | 1971
J. Bruce Jacobs
The winds of political change in Taiwan have begun to breathe. In some areas, turnover within the leadership is substantial and the new incumbents are generally both younger and better educated than their predecessors. While Mainlanders, especially those from the Lower Yangtze Valley, dominate the political system, explicit and not insignificant steps are being taken to increase Taiwanese participation. Changes in the status of Chiang Ching-kuo, eldest son of President Chiang Kai-shek, give further indications of his preparation for eventual supreme leadership. A group of intelligent, well-educated and relatively young technical experts have moved into top leadership positions and are having a substantial impact on policy-making. Against this background, constraints on political dissent continue. This article is an attempt to investigate these trends and analyse their importance for the political system on Taiwan. In order to provide the framework for this discussion, the article begins with a brief introduction to the political setting, the central party and governmental organs.
Australian Journal of International Affairs | 2008
J. Bruce Jacobs
In January and March 2008, Taiwans citizens voted primarily for domestic political reasons to oust the Democratic Progressive Party administration and promulgate the second peaceful transfer of power in Taiwans relatively young democracy. Surveys suggest that the new administration of President Ma Ying-jeou in its first few months in office has failed to meet voter expectations. Taiwans new international relations with the United States, Japan and China have also raised concerns both within Taiwan and overseas.
Modern China | 1990
J. Bruce Jacobs
Historical circumstances protected the people of Taiwan from the tidal waves of war and revolution that swept over their Chinese mainland compatriots. For five key decades, from 1895 to 1945, the Japanese ruled Taiwan as an important colony in their growing empire. Thus, the people of Taiwan did not directly experience the downfall of the Qing Dynasty. Instead, the Japanese built upon the base that made Taiwan a &dquo;model province&dquo; under the Qing (Speidel,1976), and raised Taiwan’s living standards well above mainland levels through the establishment and maintenance of strong administrative and police systems; the elimination of disease and improvement of public health; the provision of widespread primary education; the building of communications infrastructures; the development of new seeds for such key crops as rice, sugar cane, and pineapple; and the construction of light industry.
Pacific Review | 1993
J. Bruce Jacobs
Constitutional Reform and the Future of the Republic of China, edited by Harvey J. Feldman. M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY and London, 1991. xvl + 173 pp.