J.J. Smith

CD28-B7 blockade prevents the development of experimental autoimmune glomerulonephritis

Experimental autoimmune glomerulonephritis (EAG), an animal model of Goodpastures disease, can be induced in Wistar Kyoto (WKY) rats by a single injection of rat glomerular basement membrane (GBM) in adjuvant. EAG is characterized by circulating and deposited anti-GBM antibodies, accompanied by focal necrotizing glomerulonephritis with crescent formation. The role of T cells in the pathogenesis of EAG remains unclear. T-cell costimulation is provided by ligation of CD28 with either B7.1 (CD80) or B7.2 (CD86) on antigen-presenting cells, and can be inhibited by a soluble form of CTLA4 (CTLA4-Ig) that binds to both B7.1 and B7.2. We examined the effect of CD28-B7 blockade on the development of EAG using native CTLA4-Ig or mutant CTLA4-Ig (Y100F-Ig), which selectively blocks B7.1. Native CTLA4-Ig treatment ameliorated EAG by several measures, including the levels of circulating anti-GBM antibodies, albuminuria, the deposition of IgG and fibrin in the glomeruli, the severity of glomerular abnormalities, and the numbers of infiltrating T cells and macrophages. Y100F-Ig resulted in a similar reduction in the severity of nephritis, but produced no overall reduction in circulating anti-GBM antibodies, although there was a reduction in IgG2a antibodies. We concluded that CD28-B7 blockade reduced autoantibody production and cellular infiltration of glomeruli, and prevented target organ injury. Our results suggest a key role for B7. 1 in costimulation of Th1-like autoimmune responses in the rat, and show that glomerular injury in EAG is largely dependent on cell-mediated mechanisms.

Mam, my trousers is fa'in doon!: Community, caregiver, and child in the acquisition of variation in a Scottish dialect

Recent work on acquisition in sociolinguistic research suggests that some aspects of the structured variation found in adult speech are evident in childrens speech from the very start of language acquisition, and input from the primary caregiver is crucial in this process. In this article we contribute to this research by conducting a cross-sectional analysis of the acquisition of variable forms in a Scottish dialect. Two linguistic variables are targeted in the speech of eleven children (2;10–3;6) and their primary caregivers. Quantitative analysis of over 5000 contexts of use demonstrates that one variable is conditioned by social and linguistic constraints in the speech of the caregiver and these constraints are matched by the children. In contrast, the other variable is influenced by a complex array of linguistic constraints only. We explore the ramifications of these findings for understanding the mechanisms involved in acquisition of variation from the very earliest stages.

Universal and dialect-specific pathways of acquisition: Caregivers, children, and t/d deletion

T/d deletion is one of the most widely studied variables in sociolinguistic research, and findings demonstrate universal morphological and phonological constraints across a range of dialects. Research into the acquisition of this variable suggests that articulatory constraints are learned first, followed by grammatical, and finally stylistic and social constraints. Dialect-specific constraints are also found, implicating the caregiver in the process of acquisition. In this article, we contribute to this research on the acquisition of t/d through the examination of the speech of preschool children in interaction with their primary caregivers in a community in Scotland. Our results mirror previous results on how and when particular constraints are acquired, providing further evidence for universal order of acquisition of this form. We also demonstrate dialect-specific constraints on use that can be mapped directly to caregiver speech. This provides additional evidence on how variable forms are transmitted from parent to child in these early stages.

No momentary fancy! The zero ‘complementizer’ in English dialects

In this paper we analyse variable presence of the complementizer that , i.e. I think that/O this is interesting , in a large archive of British dialects. Situating this feature within its historical development and synchronic patterning, we seek to understand the mechanism underlying the choice between that and zero . Our findings reveal that, in contrast to the diachronic record, the zero option is predominant – 91 per cent overall. Statistical analyses of competing factors operating on this feature confirm that grammaticalization processes and grammatical complexity play a role. However, the linguistic characteristics of a previously grammaticalized collocation, I think , exerts a greater effect. Its imprint is visible in multiple internal factors which constrain the zero option in the other contexts. We argue that this recurrent pattern in discourse propels the zero option through the grammar. These findings contribute to research arguing for a strong relationship between frequency and reanalysis in linguistic change.

No taming the vernacular! insights from the relatives in northern Britain

In this article we conduct a quantitative analysis of the markers used to introduce relative clauses in three vernacular varieties of English in Britain. In each variety there is a surprisingly low frequency of WH words in subject relatives and negligible use in nonsubject relatives, suggesting that the WH forms have not yet penetrated the respective vernaculars. Variable rule analyses of the multiple factors conditioning that and zero relative markers reveal that the varieties pattern quite similarly with respect to significance of factors. For the zero variant, there is a favoring effect of (1) sentence structure and (2) indefinite antecedents; however there are dialect specific differences in some nuances of the constraint ranking of factors. On the other hand, the use of zero is also highly correlated with contextual constraints relating to surface level processing, that is, clause length, as well as clause complexity, across all communities. Taken together, these findings provide evidence for both dialect specific and universal constraints on relative marker use, which can be used to further elucidate the task of conducting broad cross-community comparisons. The results also provide support for an important distinction in linguistic change – those changes that are imposed from the outside (like the WH relative markers) and those that arise from within (like that and zero relative markers) proceed very differently in mainstream as compared to peripheral varieties.

The social and linguistic in the acquisition of sociolinguistic norms: Caregivers, children and variation

Abstract Despite the assumption in early studies that children are monostylistic until sometime around adolescence, a number of studies since then have demonstrated that adult-like patterns of variation may be acquired much earlier. How much earlier, however, is still subject to some debate. In this paper we contribute to this research through an analysis of a number of lexical, phonological and morphosyntactic variables across 29 caregiver/child pairs aged 2;10 to 4;2 in interaction with their primary caregivers. We first establish the patterns of use – both linguistic and social – in caregiver speech and then investigate whether these patterns of use are evident in the child speech. Our findings show that the acquisition of variation is highly variable dependent: some show age differentiation, others do not; some show acquisition of style shifting, others do not; some show correlations between caregiver input and child output, others do not. We interpret these findings in the light of community norms, social recognition and sociolinguistic value in the acquisition of variation at these early stages.

Negative Concord in the Old and New World: Evidence from Scotland.

In this article, I conduct a quantitative analysis of negative concord in Buckie, a relic dialect from the northeast of Scotland, and compare these findings with transported varieties of English in North America. Two major results arise from the analysis. First, Buckie has high rates of use of negative concord to indeterminates within the same clause, as do all the dialects included in the study. Second, negative concord in other environments is found in certain varieties in the New World that have no counterparts in the Old World. I suggest that the quantitative similarities can be explained in terms of the primitive status of negative concord in vernacular varieties of English, in combination with a shared linguistic heritage during the colonial period. The qualitative differences demonstrate that contexts of linguistic heterogeneity in North America during the early colonization period led to an extension and restructuring of the original rules.

Grammaticalization at an early stage: future 'be going to' in conservative British dialects

The English go future, a quintessential example of grammaticalization, has shown layering with will since at least 1490. To date, most synchronic evidence for this development comes from dialects where be going to represents a sizable proportion of the future temporal reference system. However, in the United Kingdom in the late twentieth century there were still dialects where be going to was only beginning to make inroads, representing a mere 10–15 per cent of future contexts. These varieties offer an effective view of the early stages of grammatical change. Statistical analysis of nearly 5,000 variable contexts reveals that the use of be going to is increasing across generations, but at different rates, depending on location and orientation to mainstream norms. Major patterns of use mirror previous findings: be going to is favoured for subordinate clauses. However, other widely reported constraints conditioning be going to are radically different across age groups, exposing contrasts between incipient vs later stages of grammaticalization. In the most conservative dialects be going to is strongly correlated with negatives and questions especially in the first person singular. This suggests that these contexts may have been the ‘trigger’ environments for redistribution of meaning of the incoming grammatical form (Hopper & Traugott 1993: 85). The fact that strong effects of negatives and questions endure in contemporary urban varieties (Torres-Cacoullos & Walker 2009) confirms that grammaticalization begins in very specific syntactic contexts, and impacts on the system for generations to come. In contrast, other reported constraints – resistance of be going to in the first person singular and extension to inanimates and far future readings – emerge across generations, suggesting they are later developments. Taken together, these findings demonstrate how synchronic dialects show us incremental steps in the grammaticalization process. Comparative sociolinguistic analysis thus offers insights into which patterns define the point of grammaticalization itself; which derive from systemic processes; which can be attributed to discourse routines and collocations; and how these factors converge in shaping the evolution of grammar.

Sound change and the history of English

Notations and Conventions 1. On Explaining Sound-Change 2. On Evidence 3. Phonological Approaches and Processes 4. From Pre-English to Old English 5. From Old to Middle English 6. From Middle to Early Modern English 7. On the Historiography of Sound-Change Appendix 1 The Principal Sound-Changes From Proto-Germanic to Early Modern English Appendix 2 Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening of I, U Suggestions for Further Reading References Thematic Index

Developments in English : expanding electronic evidence

1. English in the digital age. General introduction Irma Taavitsainen, Merja Kyto, Claudia Claridge and Jeremy Smith Part I. Linguistic Directions and Crossroads: Mapping the Routes Merja Kyto: 2. Corpus-based and corpus-driven approaches to linguistic analysis: one and the same? Charles F. Meyer 3. Quantitative corpus approaches to linguistic analysis: seven or eight levels of resolution and the lessons they teach us Stefan Th. Gries 4. Profiling the English verb phrase over time: modal patterns Bas Aarts, Sean Wallis and Jill Bowie Part II. Changing Patterns Claudia Claridge: 5. On the functional change of desire in relation to hope and wish Minoji Akimoto 6. From medieval to modern: on the development of the adverbial connective considering (that) Matti Rissanen 7. Spoken features of interjections in English dialect (based on Joseph Wrights English Dialect Dictionary) Manfred Markus Part III. Pragmatics and Discourse Irma Taavitsainen: 8. Interjection-based delocutive verbs in the history of English Laurel J. Brinton 9. Uh and um as planners in the Corpus of Historical American English Andreas H. Jucker 10. Religious discourse and the history of English Thomas Kohnen Part IV. World Englishes Jeremy Smith: 11. History, social meaning and identity in the spoken English of postcolonial white Zimbabweans Susan Fitzmaurice 12. Singapore weblogs between speech and writing Andrea Sand 13. Mergers, losses and the spread of English Raymond Hickey 14. Complex systems in the history of American English William A. Kretzschmar, Jr.