J Michael Polich

The validity of self-reports in alcoholism research☆

It is often assumed that many alcoholics underreport their drinking and behavioral problems. Nonetheless, previous studies using official records and collateral reports suggest that self-reports of concrete drinking problems are not biased, and that overreports equal or exceed underreports. New data are presented, based on collateral reports and blood alcohol measures for 632 alcoholics interviewed four years after treatment. Results indicate that the subjects accurately reported abstention and major alcohol-related events, such as jail terms and hospitalization. Compared with estimates from blood alcohol measures, 35% of recent drinkers underreported their consumption during the 24 hours before the interview, and 24% underreported their consumption during the previous month. However, an overall outcome classification based on a combination of consumption and other measures was not substantially affected by errors in consumption reports. These findings indicate that most types of self-reports are valid, and that broadly based outcome measures are not likely to be significantly biased by underreporting errors.

Response Bias and Reliability in Sensitive Topic Surveys

Abstract Estimates of survey response bias and reliability are presented for six topics: receipt of welfare, income, alcohol use, drug use, criminal history, and embarrassing medical conditions. The estimates are derived from published full-design criterion validity studies. The common assumption that these characteristics are underreported is, in part, based on partial validity studies; the bias in estimating response parameters using partial designs is demonstrated. Evidence from the full-design studies suggests that the response biases for these topics center near zero but that the responses are unreliable or noisy. Implications for survey design and methodological research are considered.

Alcohol Problems among Civilian Youth and Military Personnel

It is widely recognized that problems caused by alcohol are pervasive and costly in American society. Accompanying this recognition is a conviction, growing stronger in government circles, that young people are especially exposed to risks of harm from alcohol misuse (USDHEW, 1978). Yet there remain many unresolved questions connected with estimating such risks. Definitions of precisely what constitutes an “alcohol problem” are controversial. Data relating to the general youth population are scant. Little is known about the actual economic impact of the myriad disruptive behaviors linked to excessive drinking. These circumstances complicate the answers to a very basic prevalence question: How widespread and how serious are alcohol-related problems among young people?