J. Scott Carter

Trends in Marital Happiness by Gender and Race, 1973 to 2006:

This article uses data from the 1973-2006 General Social Survey to assess the interactive impact of race and gender on marital happiness over time. Findings indicate independent and significant effects for both variables, with Whites and husbands reporting greater marital happiness than Blacks and wives. Comparing four subgroups (White husbands, White wives, Black husbands, and Black wives), the authors find that White husbands report the highest levels of marital happiness whereas Black wives report the lowest. Assessment of trends from the 1970s to the 2000s reveals a convergence among the groups: Although White husbands consistently report the highest levels of marital happiness, there has been a steady decline in the gap between all four groups. Most notably, Black wives exhibit a significant increase in marital happiness relative to the other groups. Findings are discussed in the context of the changing structure and composition of families in contemporary U.S. society.

A Cosmopolitan Way of Life for All? A Reassessment of the Impact of Urban and Region on Racial Attitudes From 1972 to 2006

The purpose of this article is to re-evaluate the independent impact of urban and regional residency on racial tolerance from 1972 to 2006. Recent scholarship has questioned the extent to which the effects of these subcultures reflect general toleration and/or more deep-seated underlying racial attitudes. Using data collected by the National Opinion Research Center’s General Social Survey, this article builds upon past research by including different measures of racial tolerance borrowed from the contemporary work of Schuman, Steeh, Bobo, and Krysan to reassess the impact of these subcultures over a four-decade period. Findings indicate that Southerners remain more obdurate regardless of how racial tolerance is measured and this effect appears to be persisting across the four-decade period. The impact of urbanism, on the other hand, and its effect across time is much more variable and dependent on how racial tolerance is measured. This article further discusses these findings in the framework of the classical theories of Louis Wirth and Samuel Stouffer.

Place matters: The impact of place of residency on racial attitudes among regional and urban migrants

Scholars have debated whether racial attitudes are socialized early in life and persist throughout ones lifetime or are open to influences from ones environment as an adult. This study introduces another approach that holds that place, as opposed to the timing of socialization, is an important consideration for the socialization of racial attitudes. Using data from the American National Election Study, we consider the effect of region and urban residency on racial attitudes by comparing lifelong residents of these locations to those who migrate into and out of them. Using improved measures of early life socialization and region of residency, we conclude that a place-based model can be used to explain the socialization of racial resentment. For regional migrants, those moving into and out of the non-South maintain levels of racial resentment similar to non-Southern stayers. For urban migrants, the lifelong openness model of socialization was most appropriate. These migrants were more likely to change and adopt the level of racial resentment similar to that of their destination peers. These findings generally persist across time.

The impact of place? A reassessment of the importance of the South in affecting beliefs about racial inequality

Abstract Research shows that individuals living in the southern part of the United States express more negative racial attitudes than those living outside the South. Using data from The American National Election Study (NES), the purpose of this paper is to assess whether key factors often associated with the Southern attitude distinction are indeed more potent in the South than elsewhere. Drawing data from the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, we further assess whether the impact of the South has increased or decreased over time. Results indicate that the impact of the South is negligible at best. Findings do show that place does matter for conservatives. However, in this case, non-South location matters more than the South. Relative to their liberal counterparts, conservatives in the non-South espouse more individualistic beliefs than do their Southern counterparts. These findings are discussed within the dominant theoretical framework in this area.

Group Position, Threat, and Immigration: The Role of Interest Groups and Elite Actors in Setting the "Lines of Discussion"

The purpose of this paper is to move research on racial attitudes away from studying intraindividual attitudes toward studying broader structural factors that contribute to the attitudes and feelings of U.S. citizens. We focus on how interest groups and elite actors play a role in shaping the discourse on immigrants and the immigration debate in the twenty-first century. Herbert Blumer posed that over time, the dominant group develops certain feelings toward subordinate group members and that these feelings form the basis of racial prejudice. These feelings include notions of superiority, the alienation of other groups, proprietary claims over valued resources, and finally, a feeling that resources are threatened. While not dismissing the importance of interpersonal interactions, Blumer posed that elite entities within the dominant group play prominent roles in producing and managing these feelings among the masses because they have access to the public ear. To assess how the elite attempt to manage feelings toward immigration, we use qualitative data from 33 amicus briefs submitted in support of Arizona’s SB 1070 law in the Arizona v. United States case. Findings reveal that each of the feelings was prominently represented in all briefs, which supports the notion that elite entities use arguments that promote feelings Blumer associated with racial prejudice.

Beliefs about the Causes of Racial Inequality: The Persisting Impact of Urban and Suburban Locations?

The purpose of this paper is to assess the classical theoretical propositions of Wirth and Stouffer regarding the independent impact of urban and suburban residency on beliefs about racial inequality. This paper further assesses the impacts of these social locations over a three-decade period. While scholars pose that city size positively impacts behavior, there is debate regarding the impact of these locations over time. Using the General Social Survey, findings demonstrate that while urbanism continues to have an independent impact on beliefs, the impact of suburban residency is much weaker and inconsistent. Analyses of over time trends reveal that the gap between urban and rural residents appears to have increased, with rural residents expressing more intolerant beliefs about the causes of racial inequality over time. These findings are further discussed in a broader theoretical context.

Strength in Numbers: Perceptions of Political Commonality with African Americans among Asians and Asian Americans in the United States

Asians are now the fastest growing racial minority group in the United States. Nearly 18 million Asians and Asian Americans currently reside in the country. Approximately 44 million African Americans also live in the United States. To improve their limited social, economic, and political clout, Asians and Asian Americans in the United States (AAAUS) could benefit from the formation of mutually beneficial political alliances with African Americans, another historically marginalized racial group. However, complicated relational dynamics between African Americans and AAAUS may drastically reduce the chances of political unity. Using the 2008 National Asian American Survey, the authors examine the effects of three factors—group consciousness, linked fate, and experiences of discrimination—on perceptions of political commonality with African Americans among AAAUS. The findings show that group consciousness and linked fate positively and strongly increase the odds of perceptions of political commonality with African Americans; however, experiences of discrimination do not. The results suggest that the cultivation of mutually beneficial political alliances between African Americans and AAAUS would first require AAAUS to develop a heightened sense of group consciousness and linked fate. The potential impact of these factors on future political alliances between both groups are discussed, as are the limitations of this study.

The significance of place: The impact of urban and regional residence on gender-role attitudes

ABSTRACT The study assesses the overall impact of place of residence (urban and Southern) on gender-role attitudes. Past research has often implicated timing of socialization, posing that attitudinal formation occurs either during childhood or adulthood. We propose an additional and more nuanced model that points to place by arguing that social relations in urban and Southern locations have long-lasting and powerful effects on attitudes. Using nationally representative data, we test this theoretical model by assessing whether the attitudes of urban and Southern in- and out-migrants differ from those of lifelong residents. Looking at lifelong residents and migrants, we further assess whether the impact of place will eventually diminish over time. Overall, results show that, particularly for lifelong urban residents, early socialization may be more important in impacting gender-role attitudes. With respect to region, the place based model appears more appropriate. However, it is the non-South location that seems more potent in maintaining and changing gender-role attitudes. Findings also suggest the importance of place on gender role attitudes has declined over the last 30 years. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.