Jacopo Garzonio

Dislocazioni a sinistra e clitici di ripresa obbligatori

The paper deals with Clitic Left Dislocations in some Italo-Romance varieties. While in standard Italian only object DPs, if dislocated, require resumptive clitics, in the varieties taken into account, clitic resumption is obligatory also with PPs. This asymmetry will be explained claiming that Left Dislocations with or without clitics correspond to different structures, involving different projections in the CP layer. The paper deals also with some examples of obligatory clitic resumption in Italian, which will be analyzed in terms of CP reduction (Haegeman [2004]).

Le frasi interrogative non-standard in fiorentino

This paper deals with the classification of Clause Types. In particular, the Non-standard (or Non-canonical). Interrogative Type, which has been recently taken into account by syntacticians will be analysed. Non-standard Interrogative sentences are traditionally described as sentences whose main aim is not to ask for a new information. It will be shown that the semantic analysis of this Clause Type (rather than the pragmatic analysis) allows a more precise description of the Type. It will also be shown that in some languages (and dialects) Non-standard Interrogative sentences have a codification in Phrase Structure. The paper discusses the o particle of Florentine dialect, which is the explicit marking of the Non-standard Interrogative Type in this variety: at least five sub-types of Non-standard Interrogative sentences are introduced by o. The second half of the paper is dedicated to the syntactic properties of this particle and to the semantic values of the Non-standard Interrogative subtypes that it introduces.

Le espressioni assiali in russo

In this paper I discuss Russian prepositional phrases introduced by axial part lexical prepositions (i.e. AxParts). Russian AxPart items are morphologically complex: they are formed by a functional preposition and a nominal element with different case markers, depending on the interpretation (stative or directional) of the locative expression. I analyze the internal structure of Russian AxPart items following the universal structure of locative expressions proposed by Cinque, focusing in particular on the impossibility of expressing an additional complement in directional AxPart PPs. I discuss, in addition, the nominal nature of the axial elements in relation to the hypothesis of the presence of a silent nominal element (PLACE) embedded in the syntactic structure of locative PPs. Sommario 1 Introduzione. – 1.2 Preposizioni funzionali e lessicali in russo. – 2 La struttura complessa dei sintagmi preposizionali. – 3 Le parti assiali in russo. – 4 Discussione. – 5 Note conclusive.

Alcune considerazioni sulla morfosintassi dell'imperativo russo

The article deals with the interaction between morphology and syntax of Russian imperative verbs. It is shown that imperatives with distinctive morphology lack distinctive syntax, and distribute like other finite verbs. On the other hand, imperatives which lack distinctive morphology (i.e. imperatives which are identical to verbal forms used in other paradigms) move to the left periphery of the clause. Assuming the typological proposal by Rivero and Terzi (1995) about the encoding of the Imperative Force, these data are evidence that Russian has a “mixed” system: the [+Imperative] feature in the left periphery is activated by the movement of the verb or at a distance, with the verb in situ. The relation between syntetic (pojdemte) and analogic forms (davajte pojdem) is also taken into consideration. The data suggest that analogic forms derive from the insertion of a functional verb in the left periphery in order to activate the [+Imperative] feature. Some conclusive remarks are dedicated to the features encoded by the morpheme –te.