Janet R. Johnston
San Jose State University
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Family Court Review | 2005
Janet R. Johnston; Vivienne Roseby; Kathryn Kuehnle
PART 1. THE PROBLEM AND THE CHALLENGE 1. The Family Crucible of High-Conflict and Violent Divorce 2. The Prism and Prison of the Child PART II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH IN HIGH-CONFLICT FAMILIES 3. Infants and Toddlers: Problems in Separation-Individuation 4. Preschoolers: Separation, Gender, and Sexualized Anxiety 5. School-Age Children: the Struggle to Feel Lovable, Good, and Competent.
The Future of Children | 1994
Janet R. Johnston
This article reviews available research studies of high-conflict divorce and its effects on children. Interparental conflict after divorce (defined as verbal and physical aggression, overt hostility, and distrust) and the primary parents emotional distress are jointly predictive of more problematic parent-child relationships and greater child emotional and behavioral maladjustment. As a group, children of high-conflict divorce as defined above, especially boys, are two to four times more likely to be clinically disturbed in emotions and behavior compared with national norms. Court-ordered joint physical custody and frequent visitation arrangements in high-conflict divorce tend to be associated with poorer child outcomes, especially for girls. Types of intervention programs and social policy appropriate for these kinds of families are presented.
Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology | 1987
Janet R. Johnston; Roberta Gonzàlez; Linda E. G. Campbell
This paper reports on the disturbed behavior of children who are subject to entrenched parental disputes over their custody and care after separation and divorce. The 56 children who varied in racial and socioeconomic origin were 4 to 12 years old at entry into the study. They were assessed at two points: at the time of the custody dispute and 2.5 years later. The extent of the childs involvement in the dispute and the amount of role reversal between parent and child predicted total behavior problems and aggression at the time of the legal dispute. These same factors, together with the rate of verbal and physical aggression between parents, predicted total behavior problems, depression, withdrawn/uncommunicative behavior, somatic complaints, and aggression at the 2-year follows-up. There were no main effects for sex and age. However, at the 2-year mark, girls in high-conflict families were more depressed and withdrawn, and older children in high-conflict situations had more somatic complaints and were more aggressive. The findings are considered in the light of a number of etiological mechanisms by which parental conflict affects children.
Journal of Emotional Abuse | 2005
Janet R. Johnston; Marjorie Gans Walters; Nancy W. Olesen
SUMMARY This study of custody disputing families tests competing hypothesis about the correlates of childrens alignment with one parent and rejection of the other. Hypotheses include: (a) parental alienation by the aligned parent, (b) abuse by the rejected parent, and (c) boundary diffusion or role reversal in the family. The data were coded from clinical research records of 125 children referred from family courts for custody evaluation or custody counseling. The findings support a multi-factor explanation of childrens rejection of a parent with both the aligned and rejected parents contributing to the problem, together with role reversal.
Journal of Family Studies | 2006
Janet R. Johnston
This paper discusses the extent of violence in high-conflict litigating families, differentiating between abusive relationships and high-conflict divorce, and describing the numerous ways that parenting is deficient and compromised. Guidelines for making access plans that minimise adverse effects on children, restrains further abuse, and protects parents who have been victimised is followed by a discussion of the specialised services needed, and the challenges in coordinating the efforts of family court and community agencies on behalf of these families.
Behavioral Sciences & The Law | 1999
Janet R. Johnston; Linda K. Girdner; Inger Sagatun-Edwards
This study systematically compared parents in abducting families with families litigating custody. Findings indicate that risks for parental abduction of children are multidetermined by: (1) a heightened concern about very young children being exposed to neglectful, endangering, or criminal environments by the other parent; (2) unsubstantiated allegations of sexual abuse; (3) heightened distrust of and less respect for law and authority; and (4) a reluctance to seek help from the courts. Abducting families were also predominantly socially and economically disadvantaged: parents were less likely to have been married to one another; they had lower incomes, were more poorly educated, and were disproportionately members of minority racial and ethnic groups. The social policy dilemmas of identifying these differences as risk factors are discussed together with suggestions for risk management.
Journal of Child Custody | 2004
Janet R. Johnston; Joan B. Kelly
Abstract In this response to Walker et al. (2004), we explain our perspective, recent research, and recommendations in order to correct some misunderstandings of our work on alienated children. Then we address some important issues that Walker et al. have raised that deserve the attention of the field. These include whether a child necessarily needs a relationship with both parents; when we should give children their own voice and respect their self-determination, whether children who reject a parent are significantly emotionally troubled or at-risk for emotional or mental disorders in the future; and whether they need court-ordered intervention (despite the childs and aligned parents resistance or objections). Finally, we address what are the nature, purpose, and prognosis for mandated treatment.
Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America | 2002
Janet R. Johnston; Inger Sagatun-Edwards
Parental kidnapping has become a serious concern in the United States. A national incidence study showed that an unprecedented number of parents had taken action to deprive the other parent of contact with the couples child. In almost half of these cases, the intent of the abducting parent was to alter permanently the custodial access by concealing the child or taking the child out of the state or country. This article reviews the history of civil and criminal legislation purporting to respond to this problem. It also presents findings from a series of research studies aimed at identifying potential custody violators early on along with preventative interventions.
Family Court Review | 2005
Joan B. Kelly; Janet R. Johnston
American Journal of Orthopsychiatry | 1989
Janet R. Johnston; Marsha Kline; Jeanne M. Tschann