Jeffrey S. Steeves

Presidential succession in Kenya: The transition from Moi to Kibaki

Abstract Daniel arap Moi ruled Kenya using a strategic mixture of ethnic favouritism, state repression and marginalisation of opposition forces, utilising violence, detention and torture. State predation featured, with looting of finances, land grabbing and property seizure. Moi saw his rule coming to an end in 2002, given a ‘two-term limit’ under political liberalisation. From 1998 on, Moi engaged in a carefully calculated strategy to manage the presidential succession in his and his partys favour. In this article, Mois strategy, the reasons for its ultimate failure, and the short-lived triumph of a new popularly elected regime are analysed in relation to three pillars of Kenyan politics: ethnic representation, resource accumulation and distribution, and a system of unbounded politics that ensures that party loyalty is transient.

Beyond democratic consolidation in Kenya: ethnicity, leadership and ‘unbounded politics’

This article examines the African character of the democratic form of politics that has evolved in the East African country of Kenya. The core features of African politics that lead to this African construct of democracy are highlighted including the critical place of ethnicity and ethnic ties. Two major political earthquakes are analysed to illustrate this African form of democracy, the 2002 elections and the constitutional referendum of 2005.

‘Unbounded politics’ and the democratic model in Solomon Islands: the 2010 national elections

Solomon Islands in the South West Pacific has adapted the liberal-democratic model of politics to suit the ‘Melanesian way’. The ‘big men’ of politics act as magnets attracting elected members of parliament to form and then dissolve coalitions to win the government after national elections and to re-make alternative governments once parliament is in session. In this article, the Melanesian cultural adaptation termed ‘unbounded politics’ drawing on the recent August 2010 elections is presented and then analysed.

The political evolution of Kenya: The 1997 elections and succession politics

The Republic of Kenya is in transition from an authoritarian, neo‐patrimonial regime under President Daniel arap Moi to a democratic, multi‐party political system. In 1992, the first national elections were held and Moi and the ruling party, KANU, swept back into power. In 1997, the second post‐liberalisation elections featured a slightly more level playing field following a year‐long struggle by civil society for constitutional reforms. Once again, however, President Moi and KANU faced a divided opposition. Moi re‐captured the presidency but KANU barely won the largest number of seats in the new parliament. Moi must step down in 2002. Thus, Kenyas re‐democratisation has entered a critical phase. This article provides an analytical overview of the 1997 elections and the strategic options available to steer the presidential succession in KANUs favour.

Devolution in Kenya: Derailed or on track?

The 2010 Kenya Constitution introduced a new level of government through a process of devolution. County governments were established in each of 47 districts with elected Governors and Members of County Assemblies, and each government acquired their own Executive Council and public service. From independence forward Kenya had been a highly centralised polity reinforced by the rise of an imperial presidency. Now the political system has been turned on its head. How will the national political and administrative elites react to this veritable revolution? Will devolution succeed? Key variables will be used to assess Kenyas early devolution experiment.

The 2017 election in Kenya: reimagining the past or introducing the future?

The new 2010 Kenya Constitution introduced a devolved system of government that has radically transformed the Kenyan polity. The political elite which operated primarily at the national level now encounters a new competitive political arena with the introduction of county governments under devolution. In particular, a new post of County Governor has surpassed in power calculations both the traditional MP and the new position of senator. In the 2013 elections, the focus was on the national arena; in 2017, all this will change.

Democracy unravelled in Kenya: multi-party competition and ethnic targeting

The introduction of competitive multi-party politics in Kenya has led to intense struggles for the ultimate political prize, the ‘imperial presidency’. Given the countrys multi-ethnic character which is dominated by five large ethnic communities or tribes, parties tend to be erected on ethnic foundations. Strong political personalities are elevated to represent and advance the interests of their people. Given the power and resources associated with the capture of power, electoral competition becomes a struggle for ethnic dominance. The Kikuyu who were the first community to rise to power after independence see the presidency as belonging to them. The others however seek to marginalize and/or displace the Kikuyu at every opportunity. In 2007, two political titans – Mwai Kibaki of the Kikuyu and Raila Odinga of the Luo – fought a harsh and virulent campaign which ended in a deeply flawed vote count. Kibaki won but Odinga claimed a stolen election. Immediately, severe ethnic violence was wreaked on one community only to be followed by revenge violence on others. The country came perilously close to collapse. The pattern of political violence to wound and destroy ethnic opponents arose in 1992, then in 1997 and finally in 2007. Multi-party electoral competition has brought untold grief to hundreds of thousands of Kenyans. In essence, democracy has become a curse for ordinary Kenyans.

Canadian development assistance: The value framework and the field reality of an African country

Abstract A high degree of consonance exists between officials designing Canadian foreign aid and the political elites of African countries. Both share a commitment to Official Development Assistance and both articulate the identical basket of values underlying current aid policies. These shared values, however, lack resonance once one moves closer to the ground within the current African condition. Drawing on field research in the East African country of Kenya, the distance between the value rhetoric of officials/leadership and the actual situation is addressed. The distance is so great as to undermine the credibility of both aid policies and of those who propagate them.

Decentralization and Development in Melanesia : Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands

more to centralized repressive regimes which have arrogated power to themselves through fraudulent elections, one-party systems or coups d’Etat. At independence, most Third World countries inherited a relatively strong government bureaucracy which the colonial power had employed as the key instrument of repression and domination (2). The new indigenous governors were bequeathed an administrative structure that was steeply centralized and sporadically linked to the outskirts beyond the capital city and major provincial centers (3). Effective decolonization requires dismantling and re-orienting the inherited bureaucracy rendering government administrative behavior responsive to local communities (4). Decolonization at the grassroots becomes more of a reality where legislative and executive power do not remain the preserve of civil servants but rather are controlled by elected councils. A meaningful measure of autonomy in political decision-making should be given to the vast majority of the people who are rural dwellers (5). In this article, we analyse the origins and implementation of grassroots democracy in two Third World countries in the south-west Pacific: Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. In particular, our effort focuses on the transfer of powers and responsibilities from the national to the local level. The term we use to describe the in-