Jennifer Austin

Continuity and development in the acquisition of inversion in yes/no questions: dissociating movement and inflection.

This paper examines two- to five-year-old childrens knowledge of inversion in English yes/no questions through a new experimental study. It challenges the view that the syntax for inversion develops slowly in child English and tests the hypothesis that grammatical competence for inversion is present from the earliest testable ages of the childs sentence production. The experimental design is based on the premise that a valid test of this hypothesis must dissociate from inversion various language-specific aspects of English grammar, including its inflectional system. An elicited imitation method was used to test parallel, lexically-matched declarative and question structures across several different verb types in a design which dissociated subject-auxiliary inversion from the English-specific realization of the inflectional/auxiliary system. Using this design, the results showed no significant difference in amount or type of childrens errors between declarative (non-inverted) and question (inverted) sentences with modals or auxiliary be, but a significant difference for sentences with main verbs (requiring reconstruction of inflection through do-support) and copula be. The results from sentences with auxiliary be and those with modals indicate that knowledge of inversion is present throughout our very young sample and does not develop during this time. We argue that these results indicate that the grammar of inversion is present from the youngest ages tested. Our results also provide evidence of development relevant to the English-specific inflectional system. We conclude with a new developmental hypothesis: development in question formation occurs in integrating language-specific knowledge related to inflection with the principles of Universal Grammar which allow grammatical inversion.

Grammatical interference and the acquisition of ergative case in bilingual children learning Basque and Spanish

In this paper I claim that there is evidence of grammatical interference in the development of ergative case in bilingual children acquiring Basque and Spanish. While both monolingual and bilingual children have difficulty acquiring the ergative case in Basque (Barrena, 1995; Ezeizabarrena, 1996), my results indicate that bilingual children omit the ergative case marker to a greater extent than monolingual children. I argue that this difference is the result of interference from Spanish, which takes the form of reinforcing a non-target-like option in Basque (Muller and Hulk, 2001).

Delay, interference and bilingual development: The acquisition of verbal morphology in children learning Basque and Spanish:

In this article, I examine the acquisition of verbal agreement morphology in a cross-sectional study of 20 bilingual children and 19 monolingual children acquiring Basque and Spanish. The results indicate that some of the bilingual children produce more root infinitives (RIs) in Basque than monolingual children do. I claim that this discrepancy is a consequence of different patterns of exposure to Basque that the children receive, rather than being attributable to cross-linguistic influence from Spanish. I discuss the implications of these findings for theories of bilingual development as well as for morphological acquisition more generally.

Syntactic Development in the L1 of Spanish-English Bilingual Children

In this exploratory study of subtractive bilingualism in Spanish-English bilingual children, we present evidence that crosslinguistic influence has a selective effect on heritage first language loss. Differences in feature strength between English and Spanish in interrogative and negative polarity item (NPI) sentences seem to affect the development of these structures in Spanish more than that of negative sentences. While the children in this study exhibit instability in the production of target-like sentences involving weak features in functional categories (interrogative sentences and NPI sentences) in Spanish, their heritage language, we did not find strong evidence of convergence of their L1 towards the strong feature specification of the corresponding functional categories in English, the socially dominant L2. The results indicate that the heritage language of these bilingual children is affected by cross-linguistic influence from English, which is sensitive to feature strength. In contrast, their second language shows strong development.

The influence of conversational context and the developing lexicon on the calculation of scalar implicatures: Insights from Spanish-English bilingual children

Although monolingual children do not generally calculate the upper-bounded scalar implicature (SI) associated with ‘some’ without additional support, monolingual Spanish-speaking children have been reported to do so with algunos (‘some’), and further distinguish algunos from unos. Given documented cross-linguistic influence in interface phenomena in bilinguals, we asked whether young Spanish-English bilinguals calculate SIs with algunos, or if there is an effect of acquiring languages with overlapping but diverging lexical entries. Two experiments reveal that not only do bilinguals inconsistently calculate SIs, Spanish monolinguals do not always either. In Experiment 1 , bilinguals did not calculate the SI associated with algunos. However, in Experiment 2 , which calls upon their awareness of speaker-hearer dynamics, they did. This research highlights the challenges arising from interpreting linguistic phenomena where lexical, semantic, and pragmatic information intersect, and is a call for further investigation with bilinguals in a rapidly growing area where bilingual research is lacking.

Markedness, input frequency,and the acquisition of inflection: Evidence from Basque/Spanish bilingual children

Crosslinguistically, children begin producing the person and number features of personal pronouns in a similar order. This article explored whether the same is true of verbal agreement morphology and evaluated three potential explanatory hypotheses which could account for a universal sequence of the development of phi features: the existence of an innate feature geometry, statistical properties in the input, and the organization of verbal paradigms. I examined these hypotheses in light of data from 20 bilingual children aged 2;00–3;06 years acquiring Basque and Spanish as well as child-directed speech from four adult speakers of Basque and Spanish. The results did not fit the predictions of the feature-geometric analysis nor the frequency-driven approach. However, there is evidence of paradigm building from the children’s early errors in the production of finite verbs.

Bilingualism in the Spanish-speaking world : linguistic and cognitive perspectives

Introduction 1. What does it mean to be bilingual? 2. Bilingual brains, bilingual minds 3. Bilingual development and bilingual outcomes Conclusions.