Jim Miller

The function of LIKE in dialogue

Abstract Two bodies of Scottish English data are analysed. There are two major constructions with LIKE. The one with clause-final LIKE is used to (anticipate and) counter (possible) objections and assumptions; the second one, with LIKE in other positions, is analysed as non-contrastive focus, a highlighting device. The structures are not verbal tics but follow regular patterns with regular functions. They are not associated with hesitations and poor syntactic planning. They are far more frequent than clefts, possibly because they do not disrupt the syntax of a given construction. The structure is far from new but previous accounts either limit themselves to one particular function absent from the Scottish English data (see Romaine and Lange, 1991) or operate with a rather vague analytical concept (see Schourup, 1985).

Cleft constructions in spoken language

Abstract This paper deals with three cleft constructions of English as exemplified in a body of task-related dialogues and in a body of spontaneous conversation. We will explore the role of thematization and deixis in combination with the copular structure and in relation to the discourse context of clefts. We will claim that the sentence-initial, i.e. thematized, deictic elements THAT/THIS, WH clause and IT in Reverse WH clefts, WH clefts and IT clefts respectively are central to the focusing function of clefts. Reverse WH clefts focus on entities in the immediately surrounding discourse or situation, holding onto important items before the discourse moves away from them, and creating a slight backwards pull. WH clefts are forward-pointing and often introduce topics or mark an important starting point for the following discourse. IT clefts are neutral with respect to forwards or backwards pointing. They focus on the clefted constituent, which is typically a full NP, and are the preferred cleft for expressing overt contrast. We conclude that the choice of clefts does not merely depend on how well a cleft continues the thematic line of the previous discourse; rather in our data, different cleft types fulfil largely complementary focusing functions.

The Perfect in spoken and written English

The Perfect in standard written English has been well-described, usually in terms of the four interpretations Result, Experiential, Recent Past and Persistent Situation. The Result interpretation is difficult to apply to examples from real texts, and the notion of consequence as a key property of the Perfect is problematic for clauses containing yet and ever and for interrogative and negative clauses. The other interpretations are regularly signalled by the simple past in informal spoken English. In particular the resultative construction that is the historical source of the Perfect has survived and there is a range of resultative structures built around resultative-passive participles.

Clefts, particles and word order in languages of Europe

Abstract An investigation of task-related data supplemented by other sources revealed that the incidence of clefts reduces from west to east across Europe. Languages differ with respect to whether they have cleft constructions, which cleft constructions they have and the discourse role of clefts. Where speakers of English use clefts, speakers of other languages use particles and word order. Particles are widespread and can highlight constituents with or without the help of word order, whereas word order typically does not highlight constituents on its own. The investigation raises questions about the nature of WH pronouns in English and about what is shared by WH pronouns in interrogatives and in declarative clefts and non-clefts.

Relative Clauses in Spoken Discourse

Relative clauses in unplanned speech have very different syntax from relative clauses in written language. They are less integrated into the noun phrase containing the noun they modify. In particular, spoken English has a construction with a resumptive pronoun (a structure found throughout Europe) and structures that look like relative clauses but may be main clauses connected to the preceding clause by ‘which’ functioning as a discourse linker and not as a relative pronoun. The constructions can be explained in terms of production and interpretation in real time.

Clause Structure in Spoken Discourse

In unplanned spoken language, clauses are not combined into sentences. Individual clauses occur in unplanned speech but are typically simpler than individual clauses in planned writing. Noun phrases are shorter and tend not to have phrases embedded in them; noun phrases that do border on complexity are not in subject position and may not even be part of a clause. Verbs typically have no more than three modifiers. Subordinate clauses are much less frequent in unplanned speech, and what look like adverbial clauses of condition or concession turn out to be main clauses.

Particles in Spoken Discourse

Discourse particles or discourse markers are seen by some analysts as linking portions of text into a larger coherent and cohesive text. Other analysts also emphasize the role of discourse particles in creating and maintaining the successful social interaction necessary for the production of intelligible discourse. In some languages the modal system is signaled by elements with the function and positioning of discourse particles. Discourse particles typically occur at the beginning of utterances, but some very frequent particles occur in the middle or at the end of utterances in certain varieties of English and in other languages.

Subordination in Spoken Discourse

The traditional distinction between main and subordinate clauses, based in part on sentence syntax and in part on discourse, is not clear-cut for written language and does not apply easily to unplanned speech. Functions typically assigned to subordinate clauses in writing are assigned to main clauses in speech. Conversely, apparent subordinate clauses have the syntactic properties of main clauses. Clauses do constitute tightly organized complex sentences consisting of main and subordinate clauses, but loose and unintegrated combinations for which the term cosubordination is more appropriate than subordination exist.

Influence of Literacy on Language Development

Literacy has linguistic, social, educational, and political aspects. It includes the roles of written language in different social groups and settings, the structure of different types of text, the tension between nonstandard and standard varieties. A central role belongs to the social capital residing in the mastery of complex written language. Many literacy practices are at odds with practices found in formal education. In grammar and vocabulary, written language is far more complex than unplanned spoken language. Complex constructions are acquired after the age of seven and much later. The study of literacy and written vs. spoken language does not support theories of rich innate linguistic knowledge.

Book Review: Taming the Vernacular: From Dialect to Written Standard Language: Edited by Jenny Cheshire and Dieter Stein. London: Longman (1997). pp. vii+266. ISBN: 0-582-29808-3 (Hardback) £40; 0-582-29809-1 (Paperback) £14.99

Taming the Vernacular addresses the syntax and morphology of nonstandard varieties of different languages and the relationship between standard and nonstandard varieties. It is interesting, and worthwhile reading because of the range of languages —Dutch, English, Finnish, French, German, Galician, Italian — and because some of the authors tackle general issues concerning standard and nonstandard varieties. I will summarize the contents and then provide a general critique bearing on the general coherence of such collections of papers as this, on the need to distinguish linguistic and sociolinguistic facts and to take both into account (see Cameron, 1995), and on the concept of different grammatical (linguistic) systems.