Jo-Ansie van Wyk

Defining the blue economy as a South African strategic priority: toward a sustainable 10th province?

In 2014, the South African government announced Operation Phakisa in order to stimulate the countrys blue economy. Operation Phakisas strong focus on maritime economic matters ignores two unresolved issues in respect of South Africas maritime economy and maritime diplomacy, namely the countrys extended continental shelf claim. If successful in its claim, South Africas territory will increase significantly (thus a 10th province) and thus its security and economic opportunities and challenges. The latter includes the exploration and exploitation of extended shelf resources such as oil and gas, gas hydrates, seabed mining, and marine genetic resources. As very little legal precedent and state practice exists in respect of the actual delimitation of the extended continental shelf, South Africas claims, which overlaps with that of its neighbours Mozambique and Namibia, could contributes to significant insecurity between these states. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations to address the overlapping claims, and promote an Indian Ocean–South Atlantic dialogue on oceans governance and maritime security cooperation.In 2014, the South African government announced Operation Phakisa in order to stimulate the countrys blue economy. Operation Phakisas strong focus on maritime economic matters ignores two unresolved issues in respect of South Africas maritime economy and maritime diplomacy, namely the countrys extended continental shelf claim. If successful in its claim, South Africas territory will increase significantly (thus a 10th province) and thus its security and economic opportunities and challenges. The latter includes the exploration and exploitation of extended shelf resources such as oil and gas, gas hydrates, seabed mining, and marine genetic resources. As very little legal precedent and state practice exists in respect of the actual delimitation of the extended continental shelf, South Africas claims, which overlaps with that of its neighbours Mozambique and Namibia, could contributes to significant insecurity between these states. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations to address the ove...

The external relations of selected south African subnational governments: A preliminary assessment

Abstract There is an international tendency for constituent units of states (be it provinces, Lander, regions, states and even local governments) to forge international partnerships, engage in efforts of micro regionalism and/or sign international agreements, contributing to the perforation of the sovereignty of nation‐states as well as raising concerns about the future of the nation‐state. South Africa is no exception in this regard. This article explores the constitutional provisions elsewhere regarding the foreign relations role of subnational governments, investigates the means of collaboration and coordination of the foreign relations of national and subnational governments, analyses the South African constitutional provisions relating to the provinces and their foreign affairs status against a comparative background and provides a preliminary inventory of foreign relations of South African subnational governments.

An Illusion of Plenty? Resources and Development in Africa

At the beginning of this millennium, only 15% of Africans live in an environment considered minimally adequate for sustainable growth and development. In addition, at least 45% of Africans live in poverty. Only three countries in sun-Saharan Africa have a reasonable growth rate: Congo-Brazzaville, Angola and Rwanda. Growth in Congo-Brazzaville and Angola is oildriven whereas that of Rwanda is aiddriven.1 Against this background, Africa faces a number of challenges in the 21st century? intrastate and interstate wars on the continent; political instability of states, as well as the faltering democratisation on the continent; economic crises and poverty; debt; the low level of socio-political development; pressures arising from globalisation and the global economy; the relative weak impact of regional economic integration; HIV/AIDS; and environmental issues such as deforestation, land degradation, soil erosion, droughts, floods and food insecurity.

The International politics of Nuclear weapons: a constructivist analysis

Constructivism challenges the prevailing approaches to international relations and security. It attempts to explain, inter alia, how actors acquire their identities, and how these identities shape actors’ material and non-material interests. These constructed identities and interests further define mutually constructed rules, norms and institutions, which enable states and other actors to act accordingly. For constructivists, actors approach social facts in terms of the meaning, significance, value and beliefs these actors ascribe to such facts. Once an actor has constructed the social purpose (i.e. its identity and/or interests) of a particular social fact, the actor ascribes new meaning to this fact. The next step for the actor and others would then be to construct social practices based on mutually constructed norms, rules and institutions to engage with this social fact. States, therefore, could have different identities and varying interests at different times (Barnett, 2005:251-270).

Nuclear diplomacy as niche diplomacy : South Africa's post-apartheid relations with the International Atomic Energy Agency

Since the termination of its nuclear weapons programme, commenced in 1989 and verified by the International Atomic Energy Agencys (IAEA) in 1993, successive South African governments have consistently advocated the countrys commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. South Africa has secured a niche role through norm construction and state identity for itself through its nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA. The article explores aspects of South Africas nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA as an example of niche diplomacy. Therefore, it traces South Africas diplomatic relations with the IAEA, starting with the IAEAs verification process and the implementation of a Safeguards Agreement (1989–1994) through the conversion of South Africas research nuclear reactor (1991–2005); South Africas position on greater representation for developing countries on the IAEAs Board of Governors; its ambition to be elected to the position of IAEA Director General (2008–2009); and its refusal to support the establishment of a nuclear fuel bank in Russia under the IAEAs auspices (2009–2010).Since the termination of its nuclear weapons programme, commenced in 1989 and verified by the International Atomic Energy Agencys (IAEA) in 1993, successive South African governments have consistently advocated the countrys commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. South Africa has secured a niche role through norm construction and state identity for itself through its nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA. The article explores aspects of South Africas nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA as an example of niche diplomacy. Therefore, it traces South Africas diplomatic relations with the IAEA, starting with the IAEAs verification process and the implementation of a Safeguards Agreement (1989–1994) through the conversion of South Africas research nuclear reactor (1991–2005); South Africas position on greater representation for developing countries on the IAEAs Board of Governors; its ambition to be elected to the position of IAEA Director General (2008–2009); and its refusal to support the establishment of a nuc...

The First Ladies of Southern Africa: Trophies or Trailblazers?

ABSTRACTNo longer simply trophy wives, First Ladies in Southern Africa in particular, are an increasingly influential political force in the inner circle of presidents and politics. Recent examples of the growing political influence of First Ladies of Southern Africa include Graca Machel and Grace Mugabe. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to analyse the political role, influence and activities of First Ladies in Southern Africa and in particular to contribute to this under-researched area related to political leadership in Africa. From peace missions to summits, First Ladies play a leadership role in the sustainable development and politics of the sub-region. In some instances, however, First Ladies have contributed to the undermining of accountable leadership on the continent. For analytical purposes, the paper addresses the political agenda, role, influence and accountability of selected First Ladies in Southern Africa.ABSTRACT No longer simply trophy wives, First Ladies in Southern Africa in particular, are an increasingly influential political force in the inner circle of presidents and politics. Recent examples of the growing political influence of First Ladies of Southern Africa include Graça Machel and Grace Mugabe. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to analyse the political role, influence and activities of First Ladies in Southern Africa and in particular to contribute to this under-researched area related to political leadership in Africa. From peace missions to summits, First Ladies play a leadership role in the sustainable development and politics of the sub-region. In some instances, however, First Ladies have contributed to the undermining of accountable leadership on the continent. For analytical purposes, the paper addresses the political agenda, role, influence and accountability of selected First Ladies in Southern Africa.

From the Nuclear Laager to the Non-Proliferation Club: South Africa and the NPT

Abstract South Africa is recognised for the termination of its nuclear weapons programme at the end of the 1980s. Despite global diplomatic efforts and sanctions, it took South Africa 21 years to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). During this period, global opposition to its apartheid policies resulted in embargoes and sanctions, which served as catalysts for the country becoming a recognised nuclear proliferator and sanctions buster. Driven by domestic and regional threat perceptions, South Africa produced six nuclear devices as a deterrent strategy. It was only by 1987 that South Africa for the first time indicated its intention to accede to the NPT. Therefore, this contribution describes South Africas position on and involvement in the multilateral negotiations leading to the NPTs agreed text, and South Africas perspective on the nascent non-proliferation agreement. In order to achieve this, the contribution is chronologically limited to the period 1959 until 1991. The domestic and international motives, intentions and incentives that shaped South Africas refused participation in the new regime until its ratification of the NPT in 1991, are analysed.AbstractSouth Africa is recognised for the termination of its nuclear weapons programme at the end of the 1980s. Despite global diplomatic efforts and sanctions, it took South Africa 21 years to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). During this period, global opposition to its apartheid policies resulted in embargoes and sanctions, which served as catalysts for the country becoming a recognised nuclear proliferator and sanctions buster. Driven by domestic and regional threat perceptions, South Africa produced six nuclear devices as a deterrent strategy. It was only by 1987 that South Africa for the first time indicated its intention to accede to the NPT. Therefore, this contribution describes South Africas position on and involvement in the multilateral negotiations leading to the NPTs agreed text, and South Africas perspective on the nascent non-proliferation agreement. In order to achieve this, the contribution is chronologically limited to the period 1959 until 1991...

South Africa’s Post-apartheid Nuclear Diplomacy: Practice and Principles

Almost three decades after South Africa dismantled its nuclear weapons programme and weapons, the question remains why the country has not reversed this decision. This contribution, using three illustrative case studies—the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), South Africa’s inspection team in Iraq (prior to the United States (US)-led invasion in March 2003 and the nuclear fuel reserve of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)—argues that South Africa has conducted its nuclear diplomacy using niche diplomacy as a diplomatic practice. These practices have revealed certain normative principles of South Africa’s post-apartheid nuclear diplomacy, which explain why the country has not reversed its decision. The contribution analyses South Africa’s nuclear diplomacy in the early twenty-first century by focusing on selected post-2000 nuclear-related events and developments.Almost three decades after South Africa dismantled its nuclear weapons programme and weapons, the question remains why the country has not reversed this decision. This contribution, using three illustrative case studies—the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), South Africa’s inspection team in Iraq (prior to the United States (US)-led invasion in March 2003 and the nuclear fuel reserve of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)—argues that South Africa has conducted its nuclear diplomacy using niche diplomacy as a diplomatic practice. These practices have revealed certain normative principles of South Africa’s post-apartheid nuclear diplomacy, which explain why the country has not reversed its decision. The contribution analyses South Africa’s nuclear diplomacy in the early twenty-first century by focusing on selected post-2000 nuclear-related events and developments.

Playing in the orchestra of peace: South Africa's relations with Iraq (1998–2003)

South Africas status and prestige as a country that successfully and unilaterally disarmed its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme enabled it to engage with the Saddam government of Iraq in the months leading up to the US-led invasion of March 2003. Following intense international diplomatic efforts, Saddam Hussein had agreed to allow UN and International Atomic Energy Agency weapons inspectors to enter Iraq in November 2002. Acting outside the UN Security Council, the US and its coalition partners maintained that Iraq continued to maintain and produce WMD, a claim refuted by weapons inspectors, including a South African disarmament team that visited Iraq in February 2003. Employing three diplomatic strategies associated with niche diplomacy, South Africa contributed to attempts to avert the invasion by assisting with the orderly disarmament of Saddam-led Iraq and by practising multilateralism. These strategies, notwithstanding the US-led invasion signalling a failure of South Africas niche diplomacy in this instance, provide valuable insight into the nuclear diplomacy of South Africa.South Africas status and prestige as a country that successfully and unilaterally disarmed its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme enabled it to engage with the Saddam government of Iraq in the months leading up to the US-led invasion of March 2003. Following intense international diplomatic efforts, Saddam Hussein had agreed to allow UN and International Atomic Energy Agency weapons inspectors to enter Iraq in November 2002. Acting outside the UN Security Council, the US and its coalition partners maintained that Iraq continued to maintain and produce WMD, a claim refuted by weapons inspectors, including a South African disarmament team that visited Iraq in February 2003. Employing three diplomatic strategies associated with niche diplomacy, South Africa contributed to attempts to avert the invasion by assisting with the orderly disarmament of Saddam-led Iraq and by practising multilateralism. These strategies, notwithstanding the US-led invasion signalling a failure of South Africas niche dipl...

Celebrating 40 Years: The State of Political Science in South Africa in 2014

The last state of the discipline survey was done 15 years ago. In celebration of the 40th anniversary of Politikon the authors take stock of the transformation of the discipline since 1994 to show how changes in the tertiary education sector have influenced Political Science. Results of a survey of the discipline, which includes academic modules offered in Political Science and International Relations, as well as ratings of academic departments and individual scholars are analysed to show the significant changes that have occurred since the last survey. New and a greater variety of modules are offered, research outputs have increased, as have the numbers of students. On the whole, Political Science scholars are more positive about the discipline than 15 years ago. We conclude by arguing that policy relevance remains an issue and that there is a need for a greater African focus.