Joan Mascaró

External Allomorphy and Lexical Representation

Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same time show a regular phonological distribution. Standard approaches cannot deal with these cases because they must either resort to diacritic features or list regular phonological contexts as idiosyncratic. These problems can be overcome if we assume that allomorphs are lexically organized as a partially ordered set. If no ordering is established, allomorphic choice is determined by the phonologyin particular, by the emergence of the unmarked (TETU). In other cases, TETU effects are insufficient, and lexical ordering determines the preference for dominant allomorphs.

Comparative markedness and derived environments

Abstract McCarthys paper contains a simple idea with important consequences. The simple idea is that markedness constraints come in two brands, OM and NM. Whereas a “classic” markedness constraint *M bans the structure M, OM does so only if M is present in the input and NM only if M is not present in the input. The idea is simple but the array of consequences that it entails is by no means simple. It can be implemented in different ways; some of the implementation problems are discussed by the author, others are left for the future. As for the consequences, some are theoretical (relations to local constraint conjunction, sympathy, stratal OT) others empirical. The latter involve new predictions (grandfather effects) and older empirical domains, like counter-feeding opacity and derived environment effects (DEE). In this reaction to McCarthys paper I will concentrate on the latter.

An analysis of stress-dependent harmony in Servigliano

Abstract On the base of the data in Camilli (Archivum Romanicum 13: 220–251, 1929), this paper gives a complete descriptive analysis of the complex system of stress-dependent harmonies of the dialect of Servigliano (Marche, Italy). Harmonic effects that affect the posttonic, tonic, pretonic and proclitic domains are derived from a limited number of constraints. Two constraints favor autosegmental spreading in different domains and two constraints impose right-to-left directionality through positional faithfulness in two prominent positions: stressed syllables and inflectional suffixes. Changes in stressed and pretonic position are limited to gradual raising by local conjunction of two faithfulness constraints. The paper also examines cases of morphologized metaphony, low vowel opacity, the influence of proclitic secondary stress, and discusses previous analyses.

(In)Direct Reference in the Phonology-Syntax Interface under Phase Theory: A Response to Modular PIC

Although in many interface theories, the domains of phrasal phonological processes are defined in terms of prosodic constituents, D’Alessandro and Scheer (2015) argue that their proposed modification of phase theory, Modular PIC, renders prosodic constituents superfluous. Phrasal phonological domains can instead be defined directly in the syntax. In this response, we argue that Modular PIC does not provide a convincing new approach to the syntax-phonology interface, as it is both too powerful and too restrictive. We show that the analysis offered of raddoppiamento fonosintattico in Eastern Abruzzese does not justify the loss of restrictiveness Modular PIC brings to phase theory. We also show that Modular PIC is too restrictive to account for phenomena, from Bantu languages and others, that have received satisfactory analyses within interface theories that appeal to prosodic constituents. We conclude that Modular PIC does not successfully replace prosodic constituent approaches to the interface.