Jochen Trommer

The morphology and phonology of exponence

1. Introduction 2. The Architecture of Grammar and the Division of Labour in Exponence 3. Dissimilation at Distinct Stages of Exponence 4. Morpho-phonological Polarity 5. Polarity and Constraints on Paradigmatic Distinctness 6. Contextual Allomorphy 7. Syncretism 8. Templatic and Subtractive Truncation 9. Zero Exponence 10. Reduplication 11. Iconicity 12. Non-concatenative Morphology as Epiphenomenon References Index

A phase-based approach to Scandinavian definiteness marking

Abstract We propose a syntactic approach to apparent blocking effects in the realization of definiteness marking in the Scandinavian languages. The claim is that the differences in definiteness marking can be attributed to a requirement that a definiteness feature ([DEF], a property of N) must be located at the left edge of the DP phase in order to be PIC-accessible for probes outside of the DP. As a result, [DEF] can be spelled out on N if N is the only element within DP and [DEF] is therefore part of DP’s edge domain (giving rise to suffixal marking). In contrast, the presence of an (overt) adjectival modifier (at the left edge of DP) requires feature movement of [DEF] to D, which is then realized as a prenominal article (with additional spell-out of the lower copy of [DEF] in Swedish). The paper also addresses the (slightly different) behavior of definiteness marking in the context of relative clauses and certain issues pertaining to the interpretation of the different strategies.

Stress Uniformity in Albanian: Morphological Arguments for Cyclicity

The uniformity of stress assignment across inflectional forms in Albanian leads to massive phonological opacity, which seems to lend itself either to paradigmatic output-output constraints (Benua 1997, McCarthy 2005) or to a stratal organization of phonology (Kiparsky 2000, Bermúdez-Otero 2008) where inflected word forms preserve the stress assigned to stems at an earlier stratum. In this article, I show that a detailed analysis of Albanian morphology provides strong evidence for a stratal account: stress position in inflected word forms is correctly predicted by their stems, but not by ( partially defective) paradigms.

Moraic Affixes and Morphological Colors in Dinka

Dinka has two patterns of vowel-lengthening morphology: lengthening by one mora and imposition of a bimoraic template. Flack (2007) claims that these data provide conclusive evidence for morphemespecific indexed markedness constraints. In this article, I reanalyze the Dinka data in Colored Containment Theory (van Oostendorp 2006), effectively showing that the Dinka data are consistent with a more restrictive approach to the morphology-phonology interface: a markedness constraint may not refer to specific morphemes; rather, it may refer only to morphological colors (i.e., whether two phonological objects are part of the same morpheme or not).