Johan M. Havenaar
Stony Brook University
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Health Physics | 2007
Evelyn J. Bromet; Johan M. Havenaar
The mental health impact of Chernobyl is regarded by many experts as the largest public health problem unleashed by the accident to date. This paper reviews findings reported during the 20-y period after the accident regarding stress-related symptoms, effects on the developing brain, and cognitive and psychological impairments among highly exposed cleanup workers. With respect to stress-related symptoms, the rates of depressive, anxiety (especially post-traumatic stress symptoms), and medically unexplained physical symptoms are two to four times higher in Chernobyl-exposed populations compared to controls, although rates of diagnosable psychiatric disorders do not appear to be elevated. The symptom elevations were found as late as 11 y after the accident. Severity of symptomatology is significantly related to risk perceptions and being diagnosed with a Chernobyl-related health problem. In general, the morbidity patterns are consistent with the psychological impairments documented after other toxic events, such as the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Three Mile Island accident, and Bhopal. With respect to the developing brain of exposed children who were in utero or very young when the accident occurred, the World Health Organization as well as American and Israeli researchers have found no significant associations of radiation exposure with cognitive impairments. Cognitive impairments in highly exposed cleanup workers have been reported by Ukrainian researchers, but these findings have not been independently confirmed. A seminal study found a significant excess death rate from suicide in cleanup workers, suggesting a sizable emotional toll. Given the magnitude and persistence of the adverse mental health effects on the general population, long-term educational and psychosocial interventions should be initiated that target primary care physicians, local researchers, and high risk populations, including participants in ongoing cohort studies.
World Psychiatry | 2016
Johan M. Havenaar; Evelyn J. Bromet; Semyon Gluzman
Thirty years ago, on April 26, 1986, the Chernobyl nuclear power plant exploded, emitting tons of radionuclides into the atmosphere and exposing millions of people in Ukraine and neighboring countries to the fallout. Ultimately, 350,000 people living near the plant were permanently relocated, and 600,000 military and civilian personnel from throughout the Soviet Union were recruited as clean‐up workers (locally referred to as liquidators). By the 20th anniversary (2006), ∼6,000 children under age 18 in 1986 were diagnosed with papillary thyroid cancer1, an otherwise rare disease. At the 25th anniversary (2011), the liquidators were found to have increased rates of leukemia, other hematological malignancies, thyroid cancer, and cataracts2. Yet, from a public health perspective, the biggest impact of the Chernobyl disaster throughout the years has been on mental health, specifically major depression, anxiety disorders, post‐traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), stress‐related symptoms, and medically unexplained physical symptoms3. The most vulnerable segments of the population have been women from the Chernobyl region who were pregnant or had young children in 1986, and liquidators, particularly those who worked at the site in April to October, 1986. The mental health effects were fueled in part by an exaggerated sense of the danger to health from presumed exposure to radiation, that was propelled by the local medical community and government officials. Liquidators, evacuees and people living in contaminated regions were officially labeled as “sufferers” or “Chernobyl victims”, terms that were adopted by the mass media. Being recognized as a Chernobyl “victim” entitled people to financial, medical and educational compensation, which, combined with continuous monitoring by local and international organizations, may have had an iatrogenic effect on psychological well‐being1. In our 25‐year review of the impact of Chernobyl on mental health3, we concluded that the psychological consequences, especially for mothers and liquidators, continued to be a concern, and that mental health care in affected regions was not adequate to meet their needs. Given the extensive literature on comorbidity of mental and physical health, we also called on surveillance and long‐term medical studies to integrate mental health measures into their assessment protocols. To our knowledge, the latter recommendations have not yet been fully embraced. Between the 25th and 30th anniversaries, with a single exception, no new epidemiologic studies of the long‐term mental health aftermath of Chernobyl were conducted. Rather, recent publications are based on data obtained prior to 2011. The exception is a health registry study in Tallinn, Estonia, that found an increase in clinical diagnoses of nervous system disorders and intentional self‐harm in liquidators compared to controls4. Other recently published research on liquidators includes a survey from Tallinn that confirmed findings from Ukraine about elevated rates of common mental disorders and suicidal ideation5, and papers on neurocognitive abnormalities in Ukrainian liquidators6. However, in sharp contrast to Chernobyl cancer studies, the results reported in the latter studies from Ukraine have not been verified by an international panel of experts. Consistent with findings from early studies conducted in Gomel (Belarus) and Bryansk (Russia), two recent papers analyzed data from general population surveys conducted prior to 2011 and found poorer life satisfaction and socio‐economic well‐being among residents of areas with mildly elevated levels of radiation (albeit within normal limits of natural background radiation) compared to other areas. The authors also estimated that these socio‐economic adversities had a substantial negative impact on Ukraines global gross domestic product7, 8. The authors inferred that these differences were a consequence of negative risk perceptions about radiation, though these perceptions were not measured directly. To our knowledge, no other reliably sampled, general population surveys of affected regions have been published. In our 25 year review, we pointed out that findings regarding the cognitive functioning of children exposed in utero or as infants were inconsistent and suggested that any plans for continued monitoring of their health should include neurocognitive and psychological measures as well as indicators of social and occupational functioning. This cohort is now in their early 30s. No new light has been shed on this highly contentious issue. We maintain that the most reliable, direct and transparent evidence points to no significant impact of (low‐level) radiation exposure on this cohort. However, we continue to advocate for a long‐term study of the biopsychosocial and neuropsychiatric wellbeing of this cohort compared to demographically similar controls. This is particularly critical because early childhood exposure to major stress, which many of these children experienced as a result of their mothers’ and physicians’ concerns about their health and life expectancy, is a well‐established risk factor for adult onset psychopathology. It is also imperative that such a long‐term study be conducted collaboratively by international experts and local scientists, as was the case in our own research, and that dissemination of study findings be done by local authorities entrusted with the welfare of the population. It is unfortunate that not a single Chernobyl related mental health intervention trial has been published. On the other hand, it is important to emphasize that the majority of people we and others have studied in relation to Chernobyl did not have a psychiatric diagnosis or elevated psychiatric symptomatology. Indeed, what has been missing from past research is an emphasis on understanding resilience. The importance of identifying and treating psychologically vulnerable individuals after disasters is incontrovertible. However, it is equally important not to overstate the effect, as this may further contribute to a culture of victimhood. There is growing concern in Ukraine about the neuropsychiatric effects of the war on the Eastern border on combat personnel. It is important to determine if rates of PTSD in this personnel (particularly among combat soldiers who are the children of liquidators and the in utero Chernobyl exposed cohort raised in an atmosphere tainted by Chernobyl stress) are similar to those reported for other countries. International cooperation in a study of the long‐term health and mental health effects of Chernobyl may not only be relevant to settling disagreements about the neurocognitive outcomes of exposed children generally, but may shed light on whether their early life exposure to stress is a risk factor for maladaptive response to extreme stress later in life.
Archive | 2002
Julie Cwikel; Johan M. Havenaar; Evelyn J. Bromet
Ecological disasters are breaches of public safety and environmental security caused by natural or human processes due to ignorance, accident, mismanagement, or design. Despite the apparent increase in ecological disasters in recent decades, environmental breaches have been recorded as far back as antiquity. The earliest recorded example occurred in Mesopotamia over four thousand years ago when agricultural lands were damaged from inadequate drainage systems, which led to high levels of salt in the soil (Environmental Disasters, 1998). Some ecological disasters, such as nuclear power plant accidents, oil spills, or industrial accidents occur suddenly. Others develop insidiously, as occurred in Minimata, Japan, when mercury from industry waste contaminated fish consumed by local residents. The ecological erosion in the area around the Aral Sea represents another example of “creeping environmental disaster” (see Chapter 9). Yet another example of chronic environmental damage with disastrous proportions was caused by massive burning of forests, in the Borneo and Sumatra slash and burn fires in 1997–1998 (Environmental Disasters, 1998).
Alcohol and Alcoholism | 2005
Charles Webb; Evelyn J. Bromet; Semyon Gluzman; Nathan L. Tintle; Joseph E. Schwartz; Stanislav Kostyuchenko; Johan M. Havenaar
Archive | 2002
Johan M. Havenaar; Julie Cwikel; Evelyn J. Bromet
Archive | 2002
Evelyn J. Bromet; Johan M. Havenaar
BMC Public Health | 2009
Evelyn J. Bromet; David P. Taormina; Lin T. Guey; Joost A Bijlsma; Semyon Gluzman; Johan M. Havenaar; Harold E. Carlson; Gabrielle A. Carlson
Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology | 2011
Evelyn J. Bromet; Lin T. Guey; David P. Taormina; Gabrielle A. Carlson; Johan M. Havenaar; Roman Kotov; Semyon Gluzman
Archive | 2009
Evelyn J. Bromet; Johan M. Havenaar
Archive | 2005
Johan M. Havenaar; Evelyn J. Bromet