Jørgen Goul Andersen

Work orientations in Scandinavia: Employment commitment and organizational commitment in Denmark, Norway and Sweden

In this study we analyse employment commitment and organizational commitment in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, using data from the International Social Survey Programme (1997). We begin with an institutional comparison of the three countries, where it is concluded that a strong institutionalized commitment to work is of longest standing in Sweden and most recent in Denmark. It is concluded that, contrary to expectations, both employment and organizational commitment among the population is weakest in Sweden and strongest in Denmark. Group patterns in commitment are basically similar in all three countries, the only exception being a lower employment commitment among the unemployed in Denmark. In all three countries, differences related to stratification, such as differences between classes and between educational categories, are much more important than family structure in determining commitment. An especially noteworthy finding is that in all three countries, employment commitment is significantly higher among women than among men.

Coping with long–term unemployment: economic security, labour market integration and well–being. Results from a Danish panel study, 1994–1999

On the basis of a Danish panel study of the long–term unemployed 1994–1999, the article challenges core premises underlying labour market reforms, assigning too high a priority to work and work incentives, and too little priority to social protection. Economic hardship has become widespread among long–term unemployed even in Denmark, and this is a more serious threat against well–being than unemployment as such. Generous social security, denounced as ‘passive support’, enables the unemployed to cope with their situation, and there are no signs of any ‘dependency culture’. Incentives in terms of economic hardship may stimulate active job seeking but the panel study reveals that it has no positive effect on subsequent labour market integration.

Political power and democracy in Denmark: decline of democracy or change in democracy?

Abstract The article summarizes core findings of the Danish Democracy and Power Study (1998–2003) regarding changes in democratic governance and discusses whether they contribute to a decline or a modernization of democracy. It is argued that changes should not be evaluated by standards that are too strongly linked to the institutional structure of the past, that accountability should not be over-emphasized as a criterion of democracy, and that one should look for functional equivalents. The constraints of globalization for national politics, especially for welfare policies, are called into doubt, and it is pointed out that even the impact of the European Union (EU) is limited in many core policy areas. The EU may enhance the capacity of politics against markets, but a core problem is a democratic deficit in public debates and participation. Turning to national politics, however, we find equivalent democratic deficits in political decision-making processes. Empowerment of citizens is high, but there is a deficit of participation in input side politics beyond elections, and problems with the linkages between the people and their political leaders. However, new structures of mass elite communication have developed which at least have contributed to responsive governance and widespread political trust.Abstract The article summarizes core findings of the Danish Democracy and Power Study (1998–2003) regarding changes in democratic governance and discusses whether they contribute to a decline or a modernization of democracy. It is argued that changes should not be evaluated by standards that are too strongly linked to the institutional structure of the past, that accountability should not be over-emphasized as a criterion of democracy, and that one should look for functional equivalents. The constraints of globalization for national politics, especially for welfare policies, are called into doubt, and it is pointed out that even the impact of the European Union (EU) is limited in many core policy areas. The EU may enhance the capacity of politics against markets, but a core problem is a democratic deficit in public debates and participation. Turning to national politics, however, we find equivalent democratic deficits in political decision-making processes. Empowerment of citizens is high, but there is a ...

From the Edge of the Abyss to Bonanza – and Beyond. Danish Economy and Economic Policies 1980–2011

This chapter analyses the recovery of the Danish economy from the crisis of the 1980s, its elevation to a bit of an ‘economic miracle’ or at least an ‘employment miracle’ from 1995 to 2005 and its subsequent decline during the financial crisis, which revealed more long-standing problems that precluded a quick recovery. The solution of Denmarks structural balance of payment problems in the early 1990s paved the way for long-term prosperity, and Denmark managed the challenges of globalisation and deindustrialisation almost without social costs. However, an accumulation of short-term policy failures and credit liberalisation facilitated a credit and housing bubble, a consumption-driven boom and declining competitiveness. In broad terms, the explanation is political; this includes not only vote- and office-seeking strategies of the incumbent government but also ideational factors such as agenda setting of economic policy. Somewhat unnoticed – partly because of preoccupation with long-term challenges of ageing and shortage of labour – productivity and economic growth rates had slowed down over several years. The Danish decline in GDP 2008–2009 was larger than in the 1930s, and after the bubble burst, there were few drivers of economic growth. Households consolidated and were reluctant to consume; public consumption had to be cut as well; exports increased rather slowly; and in this climate, there was little room for private investments. Financially, the Danish economy remained healthy, though. Current accounts revealed record-high surpluses after the financial crisis; state debt remained moderate, and if one were to include the enormous retained taxes in private pension funds, net state debt would de facto be positive. Still, around 2010–2011 there were few short-term drivers of economic growth, and rather unexpectedly, it turned out that unemployment problems were likely to prevail for several years.

Welfare State Transformations in an Affluent Scandinavian State: The Case of Denmark

Measuring welfare state change is controversial. Since Pierson’s (1994) seminal book, most discussions about welfare state change have been phrased in the language of retrenchment, and Denmark is often listed among the countries with the most severe retrenchment (Korpi and Palme, 2003). However, another indicator reveals that public consumption expenditures increased by 35 per cent in fixed terms from 1992 to 2007. This is a reminder that it is essential to include welfare services and not only cash transfers. But it also indicates that ‘retrenchment’ is a highly problematical umbrella concept. As pointed out in Chapter 1, we need more adequate concepts to analyse welfare state change. In the Danish welfare state, we find substantial transformations with new mixes of collective responsibilities and new forms of public sector governance. We also find retrenchment — but not very much.

Anti-Immigration Parties in Denmark and Norway

The main anti-immigration parties in Scandinavia are the two Progress Parties in Norway and Denmark and the Danish People’s Party, formed in 1995 as break from and after 1998 the de facto successor to the Danish Progress Party. Initially, immigration was not even on the parties’ agendas. The Progress Parties were formed as anti-tax parties, reacting to the rapid expansion of the welfare state. The Norwegian party was inspired by the success of the Danish Party that had been launched in 1972 by tax lawyer Mogens Glistrup. Both parties had their electoral breakthroughs in landslide elections in 1973, with 15.9 percent and 5.0 percent of the votes respectively.

From Citizenship to Workfare? Changing Labour Market Policies in Denmark since the Oil Crisis

Denmark is one of the countries contradicting the idea that European nations are caught by some sort of ‘Eurosclerosis’ immanent in generous welfare systems. Without serious retrenchments and while even improving economic equality, the Danish welfare state has overcome severe economic crises, and full employment has nearly been restored. However, whereas the unusually generous social rights of the unemployed went almost unchallenged by the Conservative governments in the 1980s, the Social Democratic coalition governments since 1993 have adopted quite path-breaking policies of ‘activation’. Whether this strategy is responsible for the ‘employment miracle’, is a contested issue, however, and it is also much debated whether activation should be seen as an improvement or as a deterioration of social rights. This article does not aim at an evaluation but provides an overview of the changing Danish unemployment policies and their underlying philosophies. But first, we take a brief look at the level and structure of unemployment.

Marginalization and Citizenship

Until the 1980s, discussions about citizenship were usually conducted within the framework of an optimistic vision of the future which saw the continued development of the welfare state as the way to increasing fulfillment of citizenship. By contrast, recent discussions have been more concerned with the challenges which might lead to other, less promising paths — in particular, the dangers of loss of citizenship as a consequence of globalization and post-industrial change (Roche 1992). These challenges are the subject of the next three chapters. In the first place, the classical visions were implicitly based on the assumption of autonomous nation-states; but what happens when nation-states become increasingly interdependent and, in particular, when supranational European integration creates new rights, new opportunities for participation, and new conditions of identity formation? Next, the classical visions were based on the assumption of relatively homogeneous populations with equal civil, political and social rights; but what happens when such societies experience massive immigration and increasing cultural heterogeneity? These questions are discussed in chapters 11 and 12, respectively.

Immigrants, Refugees and Citizenship in Scandinavia

Until about 10–15 years ago the question of immigration was not an important political issue in the Scandinavian countries. Heated political discussions about the topic, as well as xenophobia and racist incidents, were regarded as problems for other countries. Insofar as the issue was brought up, it was contained within a labor market discourse — something that had to do with the demand for labor power, and the conditions of the labor market (Baldwin-Edwards and Schain 1994: 14; Hammar 1991: 183–4).

Political Action and Political Distrust

Mobilization of citizens in political parties and voluntary associations in Scandinavia, as well as the welfare state, have contributed to a tradition of consensual democracies with high political trust and low levels of unconventional protest. Since the 1970s, however, this consensual style would seem to have deteriorated. In this chapter, we examine political protest behavior (or, more precisely, participation in political actions), its sources and consequences, and the relationship between protest and political distrust. As a point of departure, an overview with a few cross-national data and time series are presented below.